Buddhism And The Spirit Cults In North East Thailand

Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology No 2, S. J. Tambiah (1969). Cambridge University Press.

PREFACE

The material is based on anthropological research conducted in a village in North-east Thailand, Baan Phraan Muan, from 1960 to 1963.
The author was a UNESCO expert attached to the International Institute for Child Study in Bangkok.
Fieldwork was conducted in 1961-62, with follow-up visits in 1965 and 1966.
The study focuses on kinship, economy, and religion.
The author notes that Sanskrit, Pali, and Thai words in the text are transcribed without diacritical marks.

1 INTRODUCTION: THE PARTICULAR AND THE GENERAL

The author’s objective is to use the study of religious practices in a specific Thai village to reveal general features of a civilization.
The study focuses on dissecting and relating four main ritual complexes: Buddhist rites, sukhwan rituals (for spirit essence), the cult of village guardian spirits, and rites for malevolent spirits.
The analysis has three dimensions:
- Presenting village religion as a single, ordered system, using concepts of opposition, complementarity, linkage, and hierarchy.
- Showing how religious practices are integrated with the secular, daily life of the villagers (‘practical religion’).
- Relating contemporary village religion to the grand Buddhist literary and historical tradition.
The connection between the present and the past is described using two concepts: continuities (persistence of past structures) and transformations (systematic changes over time).
The book’s structure begins by contrasting the present village with its historical context, and classical Buddhist cosmology with current village beliefs, before delving into the details of monasticism and other religious practices.
Comparisons will be made with other South-east Asian countries to provide a wider regional context.

2 THE STAGE AND ITS SETTING

THE VILLAGE OF MUAN THE HUNTER AND ITS REGION

The village, Baan Phraan Muan, is named after a mythical hunter and is located in North-east Thailand, between Udorn and Nongkai.
Administratively, it is one of eight villages forming the Baan Khao commune (tambon) in the Udorn province, but its social and economic networks extend beyond these formal boundaries.
In the early 1960s, the village was poor and isolated, contrasting sharply with the modern town of Udorn. It is representative of the North-east, the poorest region of Thailand.
The economy is based on a single, unreliable annual rice crop. Cash is earned from palm sugar, livestock, and seasonal wage labour. There is little economic stratification.
The settlement is clustered, with the Buddhist temple (wat) as a central focal point. The main social units are the family, household, and compound.
Residence after marriage is typically uxorilocal (with the wife’s parents), and property has traditionally been passed down through females, though this is becoming more bilateral.
Kinship is bilateral, and high village endogamy means most residents are related. Social relations are structured by generational categories (grandparents, parents, siblings, children) that apply village-wide.
Marriage is forbidden with siblings and first cousins, ambivalent with second cousins, and recommended with more distant relatives.
The traditional house is built on stilts and has a symbolic spatial layout, with different levels and rooms corresponding to social rules of access, purity, and status, particularly concerning guests and in-laws.

THE CARAVANS OF HISTORY

North-east Thailand has historically been a frontier region, influenced by Khmer, Laotian, Siamese (Thai), and Burmese kingdoms.
Before the 13th century, the area was dominated by the Mon (Theravada Buddhism) and the Khmer (Brahmanism and Mahayana Buddhism), whose “Indianized” cultures left a lasting legacy.
The Thai kingdom of Sukhothai emerged in the 13th century and enthusiastically adopted Sinhalese Theravada Buddhism, which became deeply ingrained in the culture.
In the 14th century, the Laotian kingdom of Lan Chang (Wiangchan) was founded, which also adopted Sinhalese Buddhism via Khmer influence. The Phraan Muan region was part of this kingdom’s sphere.
From the 16th to 18th centuries, the region was frequently invaded and controlled by Burma.
From the late 18th century, the Central Thai kingdom based in Bangkok extended its political and cultural influence over the region.
In 1893, a treaty with France solidified the Mekong River as the border, placing the region definitively within Thailand.

3 COSMOLOGY

Buddhist cosmology is presented as a better entry point to the religion than doctrine, as it figuratively expresses key concepts like karma, samsara, and nirvana.
Cosmology is closely linked to ritual, defining the sacred spaces and symbols used in practice.
Thai cosmology is based on Pali works, notably the 14th-century Trai bhumikatha and the 18th-century Traiphoom.
The universe consists of innumerable world systems that are periodically destroyed and reformed.
Each system has a central mountain (Mt Meru), with heavens above and hells below, and is divided into thirty-one planes of existence across three major categories: kama loka (form and desire), rupa loka (form, no desire), and arupa loka (no form).

’KAMA LOKA’

This plane of existence involves bodily form and sensual feelings and is the most relevant to the study.
It is divided into eleven worlds (loka): six heavens inhabited by gods (deva loka) and five other worlds.
The five other worlds are for humans, animals, ghosts (preta), demons (asuras), and the eight major hells.

The six heavens (‘deva loka’)

The first two heavens are located on and around the summit of Mt Meru, ruled by the god Indra (Sakka) and the four guardian kings (lokapala) who protect the cardinal directions.
The guardians rule over different beings: Gandharvas (east), Kumbandas (south), Nagas (west), and Yakshas (north).
Nagas, serpent-like demi-gods associated with water and fertility, are particularly important in Thailand.
The fourth heaven, Tusita, is the residence of the future Buddha, Maitreya, and contains the wish-fulfilling kalpavriskha tree.

The five worlds

These worlds—of men, animals, asuras, and ghosts—are characterized by increasing levels of pain.
Asuras are demi-gods who are the enemies of the gods.
Pretas are ghosts of humans who suffer from insatiable hunger and thirst; relatives can transfer merit to them.
The fifth world consists of eight major hells, which are places of intense, fiery torment often depicted in temple murals.

THE ‘RUPA LOKA’ AND ‘ARUPA LOKA’ (‘BRAHMA LOKA’)

Above the kama loka are twenty higher heavens: sixteen in the rupa loka (form, no sensation) and four in the arupa loka (no form).
All beings—gods, demons, humans, etc.—are part of the same cycle of rebirth (samsara) and can move between states based on their karma.
All these planes of existence are considered ‘this world’ (laukika); the ‘other world’ (lokottara) is nirvana, the extinction from this cycle.
Humans are the key moral agents, as the human state offers the unique opportunity to create new karma and achieve liberation.
A tension exists between the doctrine of karma (individual effort) and the belief in propitiating supernatural beings, but these are seen as operating within a single, total religious system.

THE BUDDHA, ‘BODHISATTVA’ AND ‘ARAHAT’

These are three types of beings who have achieved a supreme religious state and broken free from the cycle of existence.
They include the Buddha (who has reached nirvana), the bodhisattva (a Buddha-to-be), and the arahat (an ascetic on the path to salvation).

The Buddha

The historical Gotama Buddha is one of many Buddhas who have appeared over different ages.
A Buddha is born a human with two potential destinies: a world conqueror or a world renouncer.
In popular Buddhism, the Buddha is seen as superior to both gods and men, sometimes called Devatideva (god above gods).
There is a dual view of the Buddha: as an extinct being who cannot intervene, and as a source of spiritual power accessible through his relics, images, and other sacred objects (cetiya).
Worshipping these objects acts as a “field of merit” where devotees can perform acts to generate their own good fortune.

The ‘bodhisattva’

A bodhisattva is a being on the verge of becoming a Buddha.
For Thai villagers, the most significant is Maitreya, the next Buddha, who currently resides in the Tusita heaven.
Maitreya is a messianic figure who is expected to appear on earth when the current Buddha’s teachings are forgotten, bringing collective salvation.
Unlike the historical Buddha, Maitreya is believed to be alive and actively interested in the world’s future.

The ‘arahat’ and his miraculous powers

An arahat is an ascetic who has entered the path to salvation and possesses mystic powers (iddhi) as a natural result of their spiritual progress.
These powers include abilities like becoming invisible, walking on water, hearing celestial sounds, and remembering past lives.
The Buddha forbade monks from displaying these powers to the laity, as they could become a distraction from the ultimate goal of enlightenment.
The existence of these powers creates a basis for hierarchical distinctions among modern ritual specialists based on their perceived spiritual power (rit).

THE BUDDHA AND MARA

Mara is the Buddha’s great antagonist, personifying death, desire, and the entire world of sensuous existence.
The most famous story is Mara’s assault on the Buddha as he sat under the bo tree before his enlightenment.
After failing to tempt the Buddha with his daughters (Love, Discontent, and Desire), Mara attacked with his army.
The Buddha called upon the earth to witness his accumulated merit. The earth goddess, Nang Thoranee, appeared and wrung a great flood of water from her hair, washing away Mara and his army.
This myth provides the origin for the common Thai ritual of pouring water (yaadnam) onto the ground to witness and transfer merit.

4 PRIMARY VILLAGE CONCEPTS

This chapter focuses on primary concepts from village life, using classical Buddhist ideas as a point of comparison.

‘Bun’ and ‘baab’ (ethical norms) and their implications for merit-making

Bun (merit) and baab (demerit) are key ethical concepts villagers use to evaluate behaviour.
Making merit (tham bun) primarily involves giving gifts to monks and the temple.
The goals of merit-making are to ensure a prosperous rebirth and to achieve a happy, virtuous state of mind in the current life.
A person’s fate after death is determined by the balance of their merit and demerit, which dictates whether their soul (winjan) goes to heaven, hell, or wanders as a spirit (phii).
Merit can be made on behalf of others and can be transferred; it is often a collective activity for a family or the entire village.
The author argues that merit-making has empirical, “here and now” objectives, such as achieving a positive psychological state, challenging the view that Buddhism is solely “other-worldly.”
While merit (bun) explains one’s present status, its results are often vague, whereas the consequences of demerit (baab), such as illness and misfortune, are seen as more immediate and evident.
Collective merit-making events are major village festivals that reinforce community and include recreation and fun.

‘Khwan’ and ‘winjan’ (spiritual essences of individual human beings)

Khwan (a Thai term) and winjan (from Pali vinnana) are two distinct spiritual essences associated with the human body.
The khwan is a “life soul” that can temporarily leave the body during fright or illness, causing further misfortune; it can be recalled through rituals to restore health.
The winjan is a spiritual essence that only leaves the body permanently at death.
There is a complementary opposition: khwan is associated with the challenges of life, while winjan is associated with death and the afterlife.
After death, concern shifts from the departed khwan to the fate of the winjan.

‘Thewada’ and ‘phii’ (two opposed supernatural categories)

Thewada (from Pali devata) and phii (an indigenous Thai term) are two opposed categories of supernatural beings.
Thewada are benevolent, divine angels who live in heaven.
Phii are generally malevolent spirits, often the transformed souls (winjan) of the dead, who inhabit the human world or hell.
In village belief, humans cannot become thewada, who are a permanent, non-human category. Phii, in contrast, were formerly human.
While thewada are a largely undifferentiated category of good agents, phii are highly differentiated, ranging from respected guardians to extremely malevolent spirits.
In rituals, the help of thewada is sought to diagnose and counteract the harm caused by phii.
Myths and legends, such as the Buddha’s descent from heaven, integrate thewada into local Buddhist traditions.

5 THE INSTITUTION OF MONKHOOD IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Buddhism adapted to its social and political environments, often forming a complementary relationship with kingship in Theravada countries like Thailand.
The Buddhist monk (bhikkhu) originated as a world-renouncer, similar to the Hindu sannyasin, but the institution of monkhood developed differently.
Unlike the Hindu brahman, the early Buddhist monk rejected caste rules, accepted food from anyone, and focused on contemplating death, which is considered impure in Hinduism.
A major transformation occurred as monks shifted from a wandering, eremitical life to a settled, monastic one, establishing regular ritual and material relationships with the laity.
A tension exists between the ideal of the solitary meditating monk and the monk as a compassionate teacher with obligations to the community.
In institutionalized Buddhism, particularly in Ceylon and Thailand, the role of the village-dwelling monk (gramavasi), who performs services for the laity, was prioritized over that of the forest-dwelling hermit (vanavasi).
The laity views the Sangha (monastic order) as a “merit field” (punnak-khetta), where giving alms and support generates merit for a better life and rebirth.

FROM EREMITICAL TO CENOBITICAL LIFE

The shift to a settled, communal (cenobitical) life led to the establishment of formal regulations and ceremonies that became orthodox and are still practiced in Thai village monasteries today.
Key features codified in the Vinaya texts include rules for ordination (upasampada), the semi-monthly recitation of disciplinary rules (Patimokkha), the obligatory three-month rainy season retreat (Vassa), and the concluding Pavarana ceremony.
The Vassa retreat evolved from a temporary custom into a period of intensified religious activity within permanent monasteries (wat).
The concept of sima (boundary) became crucial for defining the sacred space of the monastery, separating it from the secular village.
The early Sangha was organized as a democratic, self-governing community with no central hierarchy; decisions (sanghakamma) were made by the full assembly of monks.
While this decentralized tradition persists at the local level, it has been modified by the relationship between the Sangha and the state.
In Thailand, the state’s centralization led to the creation of a formal national ecclesiastical hierarchy, but local village wats remain relatively autonomous and are closely integrated with their lay communities.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 5

A NOTE ON THE HIERARCHICAL STRUCTURE OF THE ‘SANGHA’ IN THAILAND

A national, state-linked organization of the Sangha was formally established in Thailand during the Bangkok Period, starting in the late 18th century.
King Rama IV (Mongkut) instituted a complex hierarchy in the 19th century, creating a distinction between ‘royal’ and ‘ordinary’ monasteries and linking ecclesiastical office to state-sponsored examinations and a ranking system.
Subsequent acts in the 20th century further elaborated this structure, which now mirrors Thailand’s civil and territorial administration.
The modern hierarchy includes a Patriarch (Sangharaja), a council of ministers, and territorial divisions from regions down to the individual monastery (wat).
Promotion within this system depends on passing examinations and administrative status, creating a national network for social mobility among monks.

ADDITIONAL NOTE TO PAGE 73

Within its sacred boundary (sima), each monastic assembly was historically self-governing.
There was no central authority or hierarchy, with seniority being the only form of rank.

6 THE RULES OF CONDUCT FOR MONKS, NOVICES, AND LAYMEN

The core rules for monks are found in the Patimokkha, a liturgical manual, which is considered the oldest part of the more detailed Vinaya Pitaka.
The 227 rules are hierarchically arranged based on the severity of the offense and punishment, from expulsion to simple confession.
The most serious offenses (parajika), punishable by expulsion, are theft, homicide, sexual intercourse, and falsely claiming superior spiritual attainment.
The next level of offenses involves sexual acts short of intercourse and actions detrimental to the monastic community, such as causing schism.
Lesser offenses include improperly soliciting or accepting gifts, handling money, possessing luxury items, and failing to maintain separation from lay life.
A large number of minor rules govern daily conduct, including food consumption (no eating between noon and the next morning), non-violence, and proper demeanor.
Buddhist monasticism, as defined by these rules, contrasts with Benedictine Christian monasticism by being materially dependent on the laity, less hierarchical, and not emphasizing manual labour.
There is a gradation of precepts: 227 for monks, 10 for novices (samanera), and 5 or 8 for laypeople (upasaka).
The five precepts for laymen are general avoidances: killing, stealing, sexual misconduct, lying, and consuming intoxicants.
Pious laypeople, often elderly, may temporarily adopt the eight or ten precepts, approaching the monk’s way of life.

LAY MORALITY FROM A DOCTRINAL POINT OF VIEW

Doctrinally, salvation is most attainable for monks, while the ethical code for laypeople is less elaborate and focuses on achieving a better rebirth.
The core of lay morality is the five precepts, along with admonitions against certain trades (e.g., butcher, weapons dealer) and advice on social duties.
The most emphasized duty and source of merit for laypeople is dana (generosity), which involves materially supporting the monks and the Sangha (monastic community).
Later non-canonical texts heavily promote the benefits of dana, promising heavenly rewards, wealth in future lives, and the opportunity to see the future Buddha, Maitreya.
The text notes Max Weber’s view that Buddhist lay morality is a “colourless ‘bourgeois’ ethic” lacking a systematic code for daily life, unlike the status-relative moralities of Hinduism or medieval Christianity.
It also mentions the argument that because early Buddhism did not address all emotional and worldly needs, cults of magic and saviors would inevitably develop to fill the void.
The author critiques this deductive approach, preferring to understand a religious system through ethnographic study rather than assuming it is a collection of disparate parts filling historical gaps.

7 THE PHASES OF MONKHOOD

Buddhism in North-east Thailand recognizes two religious statuses: the samanera (novice) and the bhikkhu (monk).
A novice must be at least eight years old, observes ten precepts, and is not a full member of the Sangha (monastic community).
A monk must be at least twenty years old, observes 227 precepts, and requires parental consent for ordination.
The traditional progression was from dekwat (temple boy) to novice to monk, but the dekwat role has disappeared with the rise of government schools.
The formal status of bhikkhuni (nun) no longer exists, making the quest for salvation a predominantly male pursuit.

NOVICES AND MONKS

Novicehood, typically entered between ages 12 and 18, was traditionally a preparation for long-term monkhood but is now often a temporary service to make merit for deceased relatives.
Monkhood is usually undertaken by young men (20-21) before marriage.
For the majority, becoming a monk is a short-term rite of passage, lasting for one Lenten season, before they return to lay life and start a family.
A small core of professional monks provides continuity at the village temple (wat).
A survey of 106 family heads revealed that over half had served as monks, confirming its role as a common phase in a man’s life.
A primary motivation for ordination is to show filial piety and confer religious merit on one’s parents.

THREE RITUALS: ORDINATION, DE-ROBING, AND HONOURING THE MONK

This section describes three key rituals that dramatize entry into, departure from, and continued service in the monkhood.

Ordination

The ordination rite (bun buad) is based on classical texts but includes local customs.
It is typically held before the Lenten season, a period of low agricultural activity.
The candidate is called a nag (serpent) and prepares for seven days at the temple.
The day before ordination involves preparations by kin, head-shaving, and a lay ritual (sukhwan nag) to strengthen the candidate’s spirit and remind him of his filial duty.
The ordination day features a procession, a formal ceremony where the candidate requests and receives his robes, and the taking of monastic vows.
The ritual is a collective event for acquiring and transferring merit, especially from the new monk to his parents.
The term nag symbolizes the candidate’s secular virility, which is renounced and transformed into ascetic energy upon becoming a monk.

De-robing

Leaving the monkhood is an accepted practice with no social stigma.
The de-robing ceremony is a reversal of ordination; the monk asks for permission to leave, changes into lay clothes, and receives the five precepts for a layman.
After the ceremony, the ex-monk stays at the temple for a few days for purification.
Upon leaving, he is met at the gate by a ‘virgin’ (often his girlfriend), symbolizing his return to secular life.

The rite of honouring the monk

Villagers sponsor a ritual to honour monks for their service by bestowing a series of ranked titles, a system parallel to the official royal honours.
The ceremony involves a water-pouring rite (hod song) where water is channelled through a wooden carving of a Naga (serpent) onto the monk’s head.
This ritual is seen as a “second ordination” where laypeople acquire merit by honouring a virtuous monk.
The Naga symbolises rain, fertility, and protection, and the water is believed to cleanse and purify the monk.
After the rite, the monk receives new robes and proclaims his spiritual “victories” by striking a gong.
The ceremony shares many elements with similar rituals performed in Laos.

8 THE MONASTIC ROUTINE AND ITS REWARDS

The daily life of a village monk focuses on the relationship between monks and lay villagers rather than on complex internal monastic hierarchies.
The abbot holds disciplinary authority, with serious transgressions being courtship, stealing, and killing animals.
The daily routine is not arduous and consists of prayers, cleaning, receiving food, learning chants, and personal tasks.
Religious life intensifies during the Lent season with more teaching, sermons, and observances.
The temple was the traditional centre for learning the region’s different languages (Lao, Thai) and scripts (sacred Tham, secular Lao).

CONTENT AND MODE OF LEARNING OF NOVICES AND MONKS

The education of novices and monks historically focused on three areas: learning the sacred nansy Tham script, memorizing chants (suad), and practising the delivery of sermons (teed).
While teaching techniques remain similar to the past, the Thai script is increasingly replacing the traditional Tham script.

Study of nansy Tham

In the past, novices were required to learn to read and write the sacred Tham script.
Today, learning to read Tham is voluntary, and the ability to write it is rarely acquired due to the availability of printed texts.

Memorizing chants

A primary activity for novices and monks is memorizing a body of Pali chants (suad mon) required for various rituals, such as temple festivals, rites of passage, and house blessings.
Memorization is aided by distinct musical rhythms and the repetitive structure of the verses.

Chants frequently memorized and recited by novices (‘neen’) and monks (‘phraa’)

Chants are in the Pali language and are divided into two main categories: tham watr for daily monastic worship and suad mon for ceremonies involving the laity.
Suad mon chants are used for both inauspicious (avamangala) occasions like funerals and auspicious (mangala) ones for protection and blessing.
Most monks and laypeople do not understand the Pali language of the chants but can recognize them and know their ritual purpose.

Sermons (‘teed’)

Sermons are standardized texts chanted on specific occasions, not original compositions.
Types of sermons include those explaining the benefits of merit-making, those for celebrating new temple buildings, and story-based sermons (teed nitarn).
Story-based sermons, which include tales of the Buddha’s life as well as local myths and folk tales, are very popular with villagers and help maintain regional cultural identity.

The education of monks

Monks are either long-term, continuing their studies and preparing for ecclesiastical exams (nagtham), or temporary, serving for one Lent season.
The nagtham syllabus covers Buddhist doctrine, the life of the Buddha, and monastic rules, but advanced Pali studies are rare in villages.
Temporary monks learn a limited set of chants and rules, primarily for use during their time in robes.

THE SATISFACTIONS OF MONKHOOD

The benefits of being a monk include receiving respect from villagers, having a place to stay while travelling, having time for study, and leading a less physically demanding life than a farmer.
Monkhood provides an opportunity for physical and educational mobility through a nationwide network of monastic institutions.

FROM MONK TO LAYMAN: THE USES OF LITERACY

A significant reward of serving as a monk is the acquisition of traditional literacy (reading and writing in sacred Tham and secular scripts).
This literacy enables an ex-monk to become a respected lay ritual expert and village leader.

SPECIALISTS IN PHRAAN MUAN VILLAGE

Village specialists can be categorized based on whether their craft requires literacy.

(A) Ritual specialists for whom literacy is essential

This group includes monks, lay Buddhist leaders (achaan wat), officiants at spiritual rites (mau khwan), physicians (mau ya), and astrologers (mau du).
These roles are typically filled by ex-monks who can read traditional texts.

(B) Secular specialists for whom literacy is required

This group includes the village headman (puyaiban), folk opera entertainers (mau lum), and schoolteachers (khruu).
Their literacy is generally in modern scripts (Thai/Lao), not the sacred Tham script.

(C) Ritual specialists for whom literacy is not required

This group deals with spirits (phii) and includes diviners (mau song), spirit mediums (cham, tiam), and exorcists (mau tham).
Their skills rely on memorization and ritual manipulation, not written texts, and they have usually not served as monks.

(D) Secular specialists for whom literacy is not required

This category includes craftsmen with manual skills, such as carpenters and blacksmiths.

THE ‘WAT’ COMMITTEE

A committee composed of the abbot and respected lay elders (usually ex-monks) links the monastery with the lay community.
It organizes collective religious rites, manages temple finances, and provides important village leadership.

TRADITIONAL LITERACY: SOME QUANTITATIVE ASPECTS

Only a minority of men who enter the monkhood stay long enough to master traditional literacy, and many lose this skill after returning to lay life.
The decline in learning the traditional Tham script is leading to a shortage of lay ritual specialists, such as physicians and officiants for khwan rites.

THE PATH OF LITERACY OF THE SCHOLAR-MONK: FROM VILLAGE BUDDHISM TO HIGHER BUDDHISM

A promising village monk can advance through a network of monastic educational centres to achieve higher learning.
However, most village monks do not pursue advanced Pali studies, as their role is primarily ritualistic and does not require deep doctrinal knowledge.
Some monks pursue further education to climb the ecclesiastical hierarchy rather than for scholarly purposes.

THE BUDDHIST AND HINDU STAGES OF LIFE

The typical life cycle for men in the village is a transformation of classical Buddhist ideals.
Most men practice temporary renunciation as a monk in their youth before marrying and becoming householders.
Later in life, those with religious education may become respected lay ritual experts and community leaders, intensifying their piety in old age.
This pattern integrates religious service into the lay life cycle, supported by village social structures and the public nature of merit-making.

9 THE IDEOLOGY OF MERIT

THE LAYMAN AND THE MONK

The relationship between monks and laypeople is distinct but symbiotic; the wat (temple) is physically separate from the village but is its social centre.
Monks live apart, minimize social contact with villagers, and primarily enter homes to conduct rites.
Laypeople of all ages must show formal respect to monks, with strict rules governing contact between monks and younger women.
Special linguistic terms are used that combine respect for a monk’s sacred status with recognition of kinship and age hierarchies.
The relationship is based on reciprocity: laypeople provide material support (like food), and monks perform rituals, which is central to the act of merit-making.

MERIT-MAKING (‘THAMBUN’)

Feeding monks is the most common merit-making act, primarily performed by women (grandmothers and young girls).
Young men tend to avoid monks, who are their peers.
Religious activity intensifies during Lent, when more food is offered and some elderly people observe the eight precepts at the wat.
Most villagers participate in religious life mainly during major collective rites, where giving gifts is the primary focus.
Gifts on ceremonial occasions often include expensive, manufactured goods, which are considered to generate more merit.

RANKING OF MERIT-MAKING ACTS

A survey of villagers revealed a clear hierarchy of merit-making acts.
Gift-giving is valued more highly than observing Buddhist precepts or ethical conduct.
The ranking from most to least meritorious is:
1. Financing the building of a wat.
2. Becoming a monk or having a son become one.
3. Contributing to wat repairs or giving kathin gifts.
4. Giving food daily to monks.
5. Observing wanphraa (Buddhist Sabbath).
6. Strictly observing the five precepts.
Observing precepts is ranked low not because it is devalued, but because it is considered more appropriate for monks, while lay life makes it difficult.

BUILDING A ‘BOOD’: A LONG-TERM ECONOMIC PLAN

The village community of Baan Phraan Muan collectively planned and gathered resources to build a bood (a key temple building).
This effort demonstrates a capacity for cooperative action and long-term economic planning.
The plan involved compulsory household contributions (cash for bricks) as well as voluntary donations of paddy and free labor.
Despite financial difficulties and problems with contractors, the initial phase of construction was completed through the village’s collective effort.
Villagers estimate the project will take 10-15 years, viewing the building as a physical representation of their sacrifice and a source of great merit.

10 THE CYCLE OF COLLECTIVE ‘WAT’ RITES AND THE AGRICULTURAL CALENDAR

In Thai villages like Baan Phraan Muan, a cycle of collective Buddhist temple (wat) rites is closely linked to the agricultural calendar, especially rice cultivation.
These annual merit-making rites (bun) integrate social themes, such as ancestor beliefs, into the Buddhist system.
The cycle alternates between ‘ascetic’ Buddhism during the rainy season (e.g., Khaw Phansa or Lent, when monks are in retreat) and ‘festive’ Buddhism after the rains and harvest (e.g., Bun Kathin and Bun Phraawes).
Key ceremonies include:
- Songkran (April): The traditional New Year, marking the end of the dry season with rituals to wash away sins, honour ancestors, and invoke rain.
- Khaw Phansa (July): The beginning of the three-month Buddhist Lent, coinciding with the rice growing season, a period of intensified piety.
- Bun Khaw Saak (September): A merit-making ceremony for the dead using puffed rice, held when the rice crop is at a critical stage.
- Org Phansa and Bun Kathin (October-November): Celebrations marking the end of Lent, where monks emerge from their retreat and are presented with robes and gifts.
- Bun Phraawes (February-March): The grandest post-harvest festival.

‘BUN PHRAAWES’

Bun Phraawes is the village’s most significant merit-making ceremony, held after the harvest.
It celebrates the story of Vessantara (Phraa Wes), the Buddha’s last life before enlightenment, which exemplifies selfless giving.
The festival combines thanksgiving for the harvest with rituals aimed at ensuring rain for the next agricultural cycle.
The rites are structured in three main sequences: inviting the spirit Phraa Uppakrut, paying homage to the divine angels (thewada), and the recitation of the Vessantara story (Mahachad).

Preparations

Preparations involve building stages for entertainment, decorating the temple hall (sala), and making ritual items.
Tasks are divided by gender and age: men handle construction, old women prepare small ritual offerings, and younger women cook.
Villagers make contributions of paddy, which is the main gift for this festival.

The invitation to Phraa Uppakrut

The first major ritual is a procession to a local swamp to invite Phraa Uppakrut, a water spirit, to protect the ceremony from the demon king Mara.
Ritual objects symbolising monkhood are carried, and an elder chants an invitation.
A kettle of water is taken from the swamp back to the temple, representing Uppakrut’s presence.

The homage to ‘thewada’ (‘Bucha Thewada’)

A pre-dawn ceremony is held to invite divine angels (thewada) to witness the merit-making.
It is believed that propitiating the thewada ensures health, prosperity, and sufficient rainfall.
A procession of elders circles the temple hall, dropping offerings of rice balls, candles, and flowers into four baskets on posts.

Recitation of Mahachad

The central event is the day-long recitation of the Mahachad (the Vessantara Jataka), a story of the Buddha’s past life that is believed to confer great merit upon those who listen.
The recitation is preceded by sermons on Buddha’s renunciation and his victory over Mara.
The festival concludes with the presentation of money trees to the monks and the sprinkling of lustral water on people and their buffaloes to ensure health.

The activities of the fair

A large fair with food stalls, folk opera (maulam), popular dancing (ramwong), and movies runs concurrently with the religious rituals.
The fair is a major recreational event, attracting attendees from many surrounding villages, which highlights the supra-local nature of festive Buddhism.
Laypeople engage in merit-making activities at the fair, such as putting money in monks’ bowls and applying gold leaf to Buddha statues.

INTERPRETATION: WHO IS UPPAKRUT?

The identity of Phraa Uppakrut is multifaceted, with villagers offering different interpretations.
He is variously described as the son of the Buddha and a mermaid, a Naga (serpent spirit), or a powerful historical monk who subdued Mara.
All versions agree that his role is to protect the ceremony from Mara and ensure peace and prosperity.
The ritual of inviting him symbolises the taming of natural forces (water, represented by the Naga) and their integration into the service of Buddhism.
His association with the swamp, water, and rain connects the Buddhist festival directly to the villagers’ agricultural concerns.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 10

UPAGOTHA FROM BURMESE SOURCES

The figure of Upagotha (the Burmese equivalent of Uppakrut) and related rituals are also found in Burma.
Burmese legends similarly portray him as a water-dweller (son of a fish princess) and a powerful Buddhist agent who protects against Mara and is destined for salvation.
In Burma, rituals involving Upagotha are explicitly used for rain-making, such as placing his image in the sun to end a drought.
Festivals at the end of the rainy season involve launching offerings on rafts, which is interpreted as a thanksgiving ritual to send him back to his watery home.
The Burmese evidence reinforces the dual character of Upagotha as both a nature spirit associated with water and a protector of the Buddhist faith.

11 DEATH, MORTUARY RITES, AND THE PATH TO REBIRTH

In village Buddhism, death is the most important rite of passage, officiated by monks and viewed as Buddhist ritual.
Mortuary rites are concerned with securing a good status for the deceased through merit-making and defining the ritual obligations of the living, particularly the younger generation towards the elder.
Monks act as mediators between death and rebirth.
Villagers distinguish between normal death and abnormal death (tai hoeng), as the form of death is believed to affect the soul’s (winjan) fate.

MORTUARY RITES: PHASE I

Doy (dressing and laying out of the corpse)

The corpse is cleaned, dressed in new clothes, and has water poured on its hands by relatives as a sign of respect and to ask for forgiveness.
A coin is placed in the mouth to “buy a way to heaven,” and the body is positioned with its head pointing west, the direction of death.
Personal items are placed near the head for the deceased to use in the next life.
The community gathers to help make the coffin, and monks chant to transfer merit to the deceased and guide their soul.

Funeral procession

The coffin is carried feet-first, pointing west, out of the house.
Ritual reversals, like turning water jars upside down, are performed to prevent the soul from returning.
Monks lead the procession holding a cord attached to the coffin, symbolically guiding the soul to heaven.
Puffed rice is thrown to appease other spirits (phii).

Cremation

The coffin is carried counter-clockwise around the pyre three times to represent the cycle of death and rebirth.
Water is poured on the corpse to purify it for the next life.
Monks chant about the impermanence of life and absorb the dangers of death.
After the pyre is lit, mourners go to the wat (temple) for immunization from the dangers of death before returning to the funeral house.
For three nights, monks chant at the house for protection and to purify the space, while a wake is held to comfort the family.

MORTUARY RITES: PHASE 2

Making the ‘prasaat peueng’

On the day before the bone collection, the community builds a prasaat peueng, a palace-like structure.
It is filled with gifts for the monks, which are presented to make merit for the deceased so they may live in a palace in heaven.

Collection of bones

On the third day after cremation, monks and relatives collect the bones from the pyre and place them in a pot.
The bones are washed by younger relatives (luug-laan) who ask for forgiveness.
A human figure is made from the ashes, first pointing west (death) and then reversed to point east (rebirth).
After monks chant to transfer merit, the pot of bones is buried in the ashes.

The presentation of the ‘prasaat peueng’ to the monks

The prasaat peueng is carried to the temple and formally presented to the monks as a merit-making act.
A separate food offering (chakkhaw) is made for the soul of the deceased.
The rites conclude with a sermon on impermanence and merit.

KINSHIP PARTICIPATION IN MORTUARY RITES

Participation is a community-wide obligation for kin and non-kin alike and is considered a merit-making act.
There are no concepts of pollution attached to the participants.
Close kin, categorized as phii-naung (siblings) and luug-laan (children/grandchildren), play crucial roles, with the younger generation performing manual tasks to honour the elders.

ABNORMAL DEATH

Abnormal or sudden death (tai hoeng) is feared, as the soul may become a malevolent spirit (phii tai hoeng).
The corpse is considered dangerous and is buried quickly without a coffin or ceremony.
After a period of three months to two years, the bones are exhumed and given the full, normal sequence of mortuary rites, including cremation.

ANCESTORS AND BUDDHISM

The living continue to transfer merit to the dead long after death through Buddhist rituals, especially during annual festivals.
The dead become ancestral spirits, but there is no formal “ancestor worship” cult that sanctions the social order of the living.
The emphasis is on the living helping the dead through merit-making.

SOME IMPLICATIONS OF MORTUARY RITES ASSOCIATED WITH NORMAL DEATH

The rites follow a pattern of “double obsequies,” separating the soul from the world and guiding it toward a better rebirth.
A key theme is the optimism that the living, with the help of monks, can ensure the soul goes to heaven.
Unlike Hindu practices, there are no formal concepts of death pollution or obligatory mourning periods for kin.
The danger is associated with the hovering spirit (winjan), not the physical corpse.
The rites lack overt lamentation, reflecting a cultivated Buddhist attitude towards death’s inevitability.

12 LIBERATION THROUGH HEARING: THE SACRED WORDS OF THE MONKS

In Thai Buddhist rituals, monks chant sacred words in Pali, a language not understood by most of the congregation.
The belief is that hearing these chants provides merit, blessings, and protection, regardless of comprehension. This is supported by traditional tales where animals attained heavenly rebirth simply by hearing the words.
The power of the sacred words comes from a threefold source: the original authority of the Buddha, the sacredness of the doctrine (Dhamma) itself, and the transmission by qualified experts (the monks or Sangha).
This trinity is affirmed in every rite through the recitation of the ‘three refuges’.
A central paradox of these rituals is that words about renunciation and the extinction of worldly desire are used to confer worldly blessings like good fortune and long life.

PARITTA

Paritta are chants for protection, with counterparts in Hindu mantra and Mahayana Buddhist dharani.
In Theravada Buddhism, paritta are verses from the Buddha’s discourses used for blessing, purification, and protection from misfortune.
Early Buddhist texts acknowledge the potency of paritta for those whose lifespan is not yet over, though they may not work against one’s own negative karma.
The chants are typically ethical and moralistic in content, yet they are believed to produce practical, protective effects based on the historical circumstances in which the Buddha first uttered them.

Mangala sutra (sutta)

Preached by the Buddha to a deity (deva), this chant outlines thirty-seven auspicious actions, such as associating with the wise and honouring those worthy of respect.
Its purpose is moral admonition rather than exorcism.

Ratana sutra (sutta)

This chant was first preached to end a plague, drought, and famine in the city of Vesali.
The words praise the virtues of the Buddha, the Dhamma (doctrine), and the Sangha (monastic order) to ward off evil and misfortune.

Karaniya metra sutra (sutta)

Originally preached to monks being harassed by tree spirits.
Although used to protect against demons, the chant’s words advocate for the practice of universal loving-kindness (metta) and goodwill towards all beings.

Atanatiya sutra (sutta)

A powerful chant for warding off evil spirits, said to have been taught to the Buddha by the king of demons, Vessavana.
The words establish the superiority of the Buddhas over the gods and demons, acting as a protective “ward rune” for believers.

Jayamangala gatha (suad chaya mongkhon)

A key “morning chant” that functions as a victory blessing, often recited while sprinkling lustral water.
It recounts the Buddha’s eight major victories over evil forces, transferring the power of these triumphs to the listener as a blessing for good fortune.

APPENDIX 1 TO CHAPTER 12

SOME ‘PARITTA’ FREQUENTLY RECITED IN THAILAND

1. Mangala sutta

Lists thirty-seven auspicious acts or “great blessings,” including avoiding fools, supporting one’s parents, practicing charity, being patient, and realizing the Four Noble Truths.

2. Karaniya metta sutta

A call to cultivate boundless loving-kindness (metta) toward all beings.
It advises one to be gentle, humble, and content, and to wish for the happiness and safety of every living thing.

3. Jayamangala gatha

Recounts the Buddha’s eight triumphs over adversaries like the demon Mara, the robber Angulimala, and an enraged elephant.
Each verse concludes with a blessing for the listener to achieve victory and good fortune through the Buddha’s power.

4. Khandha paritta

Expresses loving-kindness towards four royal snake clans and all creatures, regardless of their number of legs.
It states that remembering the Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha provides protection from harm.

5. Atanatiya paritta

Pays homage to the seven past Buddhas, affirming their supreme virtues and power.
It concludes with a blessing for the listener to be free from illness and danger and to be granted long life, health, happiness, and strength.

APPENDIX 2 TO CHAPTER 12

MORE EXAMPLES OF POTENT ‘PARITTA’ CHANTS (NOT DISCUSSED IN CHAPTER 12)

1. Mora paritta

Known as the “peacock spell,” this chant is derived from a Jataka tale where the Buddha-to-be was a golden peacock.
It is used for protection against snakes and other dangers, drawing on the mythological enmity between the peacock and the snake.

2. Khanda paritta

This chant is used to neutralize the poison of creatures, especially snakes, and to ward off danger from them.
Its power is based not on exorcism but on an expression of love (metta) for all creatures, including the four royal races of snakes.

3. Candima paritta

Recited during a lunar eclipse, this chant tells the story of the moon god being captured by the demon Rahu.
The Buddha intervenes and commands Rahu to release the moon, which the demon does out of fear.

4. Suriya paritta

A chant similar to the Candima paritta, used to protect the sun from being “swallowed” by the demon Rahu during a solar eclipse.

5. Angulimala paritta

Believed to ease the pain of childbirth and protect against general dangers.
It originates from the story of the Buddha’s conversion of the murderer Angulimala, who later helps a woman in labour by reciting a statement about the virtue of his new life as a monk.

13 ‘SUKHWAN’ RITES: THE ELDERS SUMMON THE SPIRIT ESSENCE

Sukhwan (‘calling the khwan’) rites are complementary to Buddhist rituals and are performed by elders for the youth.
The rites focus on the khwan, a spiritual essence identified with life, which can leave the body during crises, causing affliction. This contrasts with winjan, which is related to the soul after death.
The core of the rite is to call the wandering khwan back and bind it to the body with a thread tied to the wrist.
The purpose is prophylactic and therapeutic, intended to restore morale and confer good fortune, strength, and prosperity (haj ju dii mii raeng).

KINDS OF ‘SUKHWAN’ RITES AND OCCASIONS OF PERFORMANCE

Rites are performed on numerous occasions, which can be classified into several types:
- Rites of passage: For marriage (sukhwan phua mia mai) and ordination into monkhood (sukhwan nag).
- Pregnancy: To give the mother strength for an easy delivery (sukhwan maemarn).
- Threshold ceremonies: Before starting a new enterprise, such as a trip or military service.
- Ceremonies of reintegration: Upon returning from a long trip, prison, or after recovering from an illness.
- Rites for prolonged illness: To restore the morale of a very sick person.
- Rites for dispelling bad luck: Performed after inauspicious events, like lightning striking near a house or a toad entering it.
The flight of the khwan is attributed to an agitated state of mind (caj bau dii), and the ritual addresses this by restoring or securing the khwan.
Analysis of the ritual involves understanding the occasion, the sender (officiant), the receiver (celebrant), the supporting cast, and the message conveyed through physical acts and spoken words.

‘Sukhwan’ ritual at marriage: case illustration 1

The ceremony is a major part of the wedding, performed to ensure a prosperous life for the couple.
A central item is the phakhwan, a tiered structure with offerings, prepared by married women who are not widowed or divorced.
The officiant (paahm) chants to invite divine angels (thewada) and call the khwan. A sacred cord (fai monkhon) connects the phakhwan to the couple and other participants.
The couple receives moral instruction, is sprinkled with sacred water, and has their wrists tied with thread by the elders, who also give them money.
The rite is followed by somma phuu thaw (‘asking forgiveness of elders’), where the couple pays respect and receives blessings and detailed advice on married life.

‘Sukhwan nag’ ritual: case illustration 2

This rite is a sequence within the larger ordination ceremonies (bun buad) and is held in the temple’s preaching hall.
Central objects include the phakhwan and the eight requisites of a monk (kryang meng).
Two types of candles are used to signify the celebrant: one measured to the head’s circumference (thian wian hua) and another to the body’s length (thian kha khing), symbolizing the dedication of spirit and body to monkhood.
The supporting cast is primarily parents and village elders, reflecting that ordination is a community concern.

‘Sukhwan maemarn’ ritual (pregnancy): case illustration 3

This is a standalone ceremony held on an auspicious day to ensure an easy childbirth.
The pregnant woman is the main celebrant, and the supporting cast consists mainly of elderly women and her husband.
The ritual begins with an invocation to the thewada and the Buddha.
The text read and the status of the witnesses are key differences from marriage and ordination rites, symbolizing the specific nature of pregnancy.

THE ‘SUKHWAN’ TEXTS AND THE SACRED WORDS

Text of ‘sukhwan’ for marriage

The text portrays the wedding as a grand, mythological event attended by deities and nobility.
It emphasizes that the union is sanctioned by elders and divine agents.
The khwan of the couple are called to unite, forsaking any former lovers.
The text provides explicit instructions for the groom and bride on their duties towards each other and their respective in-laws.

Text of the ‘sukhwan nag’ ceremony

The text highlights the ordinand’s obligation to make merit for his parents, justifying this by recounting in detail the mother’s sacrifices during his childhood.
It acknowledges the community’s contribution of the eight monastic requisites.
The khwan is called back from worldly pleasures and temptations found in the forest and mountains.
It promises the ordinand future prosperity and power as a reward for becoming a monk.

Text of the ‘sukhwan maemarn’ ceremony

The text begins by declaring the day auspicious for many great events.
It calls the pregnant woman’s khwan to return from heavenly pleasures to her earthly husband.
It gives a precise, anticipatory account of the discomforts of pregnancy, a successful childbirth, and the subsequent care of the baby.
A long, compelling section calls the khwan to return from the jungle, rivers, and fields where it may have wandered.

THE ‘SUKHWAN’ AS A RITUAL TECHNIQUE

The ritual is a cultural technique to address the mental turmoil (flight of the khwan) associated with transitional situations.
While the form of calling and binding the khwan is standard, the supporting cast and specific messages vary to suit the occasion.
The sacred words are recited in the local language so they can be understood, serving to define roles, internalize norms, and restore morale by framing the situation as a grand mythological event.
This contrasts with Buddhist rituals, where monks chant in Pali, which is not understood by the laity but is believed to be effective due to its sacred power.

WHAT IS THE ‘KHWAN’?

The khwan is a spirit essence, and its flight represents a form of alienation where a part of the self disperses into the non-social world (forest, mountains).
The ritual is performed when society needs an individual to conform to norms or assume a new status.
When elders call the khwan back to the body, they are charging the person with the social force of morale, binding them to their expected role and community.
This is the reverse of a therapeutic situation where an external agent penetrates a person and must be expelled.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 13

’SUKHWAN’ TEXTS

’Sukhwan nag’ text

The text begins with the standard Pali prayer to the Buddha.
It frames ordination as a separation from parents to gain spiritual wisdom.
It details the mother’s sacrifices during the ordinand’s childhood to instill a sense of obligation.
It calls the khwan back from the temptations of nature and blesses the ordinand with future power and victory over evil.

‘Sukhwan’ text recited at a wedding ceremony

The text starts with a Pali prayer and auspicious declarations, describing a magnificent ritual setting.
It calls for the khwan of the bride and groom to unite, sanctioned by elders and divine beings like Indra.
It contains detailed instructions on proper conduct for the husband and wife, covering kinship obligations, domestic duties, and personal loyalty.
It concludes with a blessing for long life, happiness, and prosperity.

*‘Sukhwan’ text recited for a pregnant woman

The text declares the day to be highly auspicious, suitable for royal and divine events.
It calls the woman’s khwan to return from heavenly temptations to her waiting husband on earth.
It describes the physical hardships of pregnancy, the details of childbirth, and the tender care of the newborn, creating a positive vision of motherhood.
It includes a lengthy and poetic invocation for the khwan to return from all parts of the natural world.

14 THE CO-EXISTENCE OF THE ‘BRAHMAN’ AND THE BUDDHIST MONK

The officiant for the sukhwan rite is called a paahm, a term derived from brahman.
Unlike in India where they were antagonists, the brahman and the Buddhist monk (bhikkhu) co-exist peacefully in Thai society due to different historical paths and transformed roles.
Brahmanism in Thailand was primarily associated with royal court rituals, where the king held a superior, divinized status over the brahman priests.
The village paahm is a lay ritual officiant, an elder, and typically a former monk who has acquired literacy in the temple (wat).
The roles are complementary: a young man serves as a monk, and later in life, as an elder, can become a paahm. This progression is a key part of the life cycle.
Court brahmans in Thailand must first serve as Buddhist novices before their initiation, confirming this integration.
The relationship between the monk and the paahm reflects a social reciprocity between generations: the young (monks) make merit for the old, and the old (paahm) perform life-affirming rites for the young.

MATERIAL TRANSFERS AND THE IDIOM OF TRANSFER

Sukhwan ceremonies, such as marriage, are social occasions for kin and neighbours, particularly elders, to assemble.
Both marriage and Buddhist merit-making rites involve guests giving cash gifts and the host providing a feast.
Marriage transactions have a significant economic aspect, including a brideprice (khadaung) paid by the groom’s family and reciprocal cash gifts from guests.
Household merit-making rites for the dead also involve significant expenditure on gifts for monks and feasting the community, with guests contributing small cash gifts.
While social participation is similar, marriage is viewed as an event legitimized by elders, whereas mortuary rites are seen as an opportunity for the community to provide help and make merit.

15 THE CULT OF THE GUARDIAN SPIRITS

The cult of guardian spirits, sometimes called ‘animism’, has a complex relationship with Buddhism in North-east Thailand, involving opposition, complementarity, linkage, and hierarchy.
This chapter analyses the beliefs, rites, and practitioners of the cult at both village and regional levels.

GUARDIAN SPIRITS

Phii is a general term for spirits, which can be transformations of dead humans or a permanent category of supernaturals.
In the village of Baan Phraan Muan, two elevated guardian spirits are Tapubaan (village ancestor) and Chao Phau Phraa Khao (guardian of the temple).
The phii cult is considered separate from Buddhism; monks do not participate, and offerings are seen as a “bargain” for a favour, not for merit (bun).
Tapubaan is the guardian of the village (baan), resides in a shrine at the village edge, and accepts offerings of meat and liquor.
Chao Phau is the guardian of the temple (wat), was a pious layman who wore white, resides in the temple’s most holy place (bood), and accepts only vegetarian offerings.
They act as disciplinarians, enforcing norms related to village citizenship, public property, and the sanctity of the temple.
Both spirits enforce taboos on the Buddhist Sabbath (wan phraa), such as prohibiting polishing rice or taking a cart out of the village.
Breaking their rules results in punishment, usually in the form of illness.
They also have a benevolent role, ensuring agricultural abundance, and are propitiated in collective village rites twice a year.

POST-HARVEST OFFERINGS TO THE GUARDIANS: A CASE DESCRIPTION

A post-harvest ceremony called liang phii (offering to phii) is held to thank the guardians.
Each household must provide offerings, typically boiled chicken for Tapubaan and sweet rice for Chao Phau.
The ritual is led by officiants called the cham (intermediary) and tiam (medium).
The ceremony includes collective offerings from the village, individual offerings to request personal favours, and thank-offerings for favours already granted.
It concludes with a communal meal where villagers eat the offered food.

RITUAL SPECIALISTS

The village has many specialists (mau), including the mau song (diviner), mau ya (herbal doctor), and mau tham (exorcist).
The three specialists central to the guardian spirit cult are the mau song (diviner), cham (intermediary), and tiam (medium).

’Mau song’ (diviner/consultant)

The mau song diagnoses whether an illness is caused by spirits or has an organic cause, but does not perform the cure.
Divination techniques vary; some look into an egg or a paper funnel to see signs identifying the afflicting spirit.
The art is learned through apprenticeship, and practitioners may observe special taboos.
Patients provide a ritual fee (kaj) of an egg, flowers, and other items, which are used in the divination process.

Cham

The cham is the intermediary for the guardian spirits, while the tiam is their medium.
A cham is chosen by a guardian spirit through an initial possession but is rarely possessed afterwards.
The selection of a new cham requires public validation at a village meeting, where even Buddhist monks may be present as witnesses.
The role does not require special virtues or interdictions, as the spirit’s choice is seen as arbitrary.

Tiam

The tiam is the medium of the village and regional guardian spirits.
Unlike the cham, the tiam is possessed repeatedly to divine during ceremonies.
The authenticity of a tiam can be questioned by the community, and their position also requires public recognition and validation.

SPIRIT CURING BY ‘CHAM’ AND ‘TIAM’

When a mau song diagnoses an illness as caused by a guardian spirit, the patient consults the cham.
The cham first performs a ritual to “invite” the spirit to leave the patient, promising a future offering.
After recovery, a thank-offering is made to the spirit at its shrine on a Wednesday.
For severe or persistent illnesses, the tiam (medium) is called to perform a fresh diagnosis through possession to confirm the spirit’s identity and the required offering.

THE REGIONAL CULT

Individual village guardian cults are part of a larger regional cult focused on the guardian of the Byng Chuan swamp.
Villages in the region participate in collective, biannual rites to propitiate the swamp guardian, which take precedence over local village rites.
Offerings include a buffalo sacrifice every third year, funded by the member villages.
The cult has chief male mediums (tiam) in two central villages, while most other villages only have an intermediary (cham).
Subsidiary mediums, who are often female, handle individual cases of spirit affliction.
Women are considered effective mediums because they are seen as “soft and penetrable” and prone to possession.
Mediums, both male and female, wear a ceremonial costume that can appear transvestite and engage in ecstatic behaviour during rituals.

16 MYTH AND RITE: THE ‘NAGA’ SYMBOL AND THE ROCKET FESTIVAL

This chapter analyzes the Bunbangfai festival, a rain-making ritual addressed to village and swamp guardian spirits.
It examines the myth associated with the festival, which explains the origin of swamps and the relationship between society and nature.
The analysis compares the Bunbangfai festival with the Buddhist Bun Phraawes festival to explore the relationship between the spirit cults and Buddhism, as well as the connection between myth and rite.
It highlights the contrast between the ascetic, controlled role of Buddhist monks and the ecstatic, possession-based role of spirit cult officiants (tiam and cham).

THE FESTIVAL OF ‘BUNBANGFAI’

Bunbangfai means “merit of firing rockets” and is a regional rain-making ritual performed before the planting season.
It is addressed to the powerful guardian spirits of the swamp (Chao Phau Tong Khyang) and the village to request rain, prosperity, and good health.
The festival integrates Buddhist elements, like monk ordinations, with spirit cult practices, such as ecstatic processions.
While villagers state the festival is for the phii (spirits) and not Buddhist, the name includes bun (merit), which they explain is for transferring merit to the guardian spirits.
The timing of the festival varies but is often held around the 6th lunar month, which can coincide with the Buddhist holiday of Visakha Bucha.

‘BUNBANGFAI’ IN BAAN PHRAAN MUAN

Rockets are made in the Buddhist temple (wat) by monks and villagers.
Two rockets are ritually necessary: one for paying respect (bang tawai) and one for wishing (bang siang).
The festival’s scale is larger, with more rockets and a fair, in years when it is combined with the ordination of new monks and novices.
The festival unfolds in three main sequences: ordination, the rocket procession, and the firing of the rockets.

Ordination

The festival often begins with the ordination of village youth into the monkhood.
A key purpose of this ordination is to make and transfer merit (bun) to the guardian spirits.
Occasionally, a monk promotion ceremony is also held, where water is poured over the monk through a Naga (serpent) shaped receptacle, linking the rain-bringing Naga to the monk’s sacredness.

‘Hae bangfai’ (the rocket procession)

This second phase is an ecstatic procession led by the spirit medium (tiam) and other cult officiants.
Monks do not participate in this procession, which goes from the wat to the village guardian’s shrine (Tapubaan).
At the shrine, a prayer is made for rain and prosperity, and the “rocket of offering” (bang tawai) is fired.
Later that night, monks participate by chanting blessings over the remaining rockets inside the wat.

The firing of the rockets

On the final morning, the “wishing rocket” (bang siang) is fired to predict the fortune of the coming year.
This is followed by ritual license, where the entire village, including monks and elders, participates in competitive rocket firing.
Social hierarchies are temporarily dissolved, and anyone whose rocket fails, including monks, is covered in mud as a form of playful punishment.

THE MYTH OF PHADAENG AND NANG AI

In a past life, Pangkee abandoned his wife, Nang Ai. In their current lives, Pangkee is a Naga prince and Nang Ai is a human princess loved by the human ruler Phadaeng.
Pangkee transforms into a white squirrel to see Nang Ai. She has the squirrel killed.
Its meat magically fills 8,000 wagons and is eaten by all citizens except old widows.
The enraged Naga army attacks the human city, causing it to sink and become a swamp.
Phadaeng flees with Nang Ai, but the Naga pursues them and captures Nang Ai. The city’s regalia, dropped during the escape, become local geographical features.

Nang Ai’s father holds a rocket competition for her hand in marriage, which her lover Phadaeng loses.
The Naga prince Pangkee, in love with Nang Ai, disguises himself as a white squirrel.
The squirrel is killed at Nang Ai’s request and warns that the kingdom will sink. Its meat is eaten by everyone except an old widow.
Phadaeng and Nang Ai flee on a horse with the city’s regalia as the land sinks behind them, creating the swamps of Naung Haan and Byng Chuan. The widow’s house becomes an island in the swamp.

ANALYSIS OF THE MYTH

The myth explains the origin of local swamps and rivers, giving the region a sense of identity and history.
Villagers also see it as the origin story for the Bunbangfai rocket festival.
The underlying theme is the relationship between man and nature, structured as a contest between the Naga prince Pangkee (nature) and the human ruler Phadaeng (society) for the princess Nang Ai.
The eating of the squirrel’s meat symbolizes a union between humans and nature, resulting in the creation of fertile swamps, which are former human settlements.
The myth portrays a balanced equation: the “naturalization” of human society (cities becoming swamps) and the “humanization” of nature (swamps containing human regalia).

Fig. 4 Diagram showing the relationship between two festivals

The Buddhist Bun Phraawes festival and the spirit cult’s Bunbangfai festival stand in opposition and complementarity.
Bun Phraawes is a post-harvest merit-making ceremony that asserts Buddhist ideology, where nature (represented by the Naga-like figure Uppakrut) is tamed and brought into the service of Buddhism. It reinforces the status of monks and elders and ends with an austere sermon.
Bunbangfai is a pre-planting rain-soliciting ritual where humans are subservient to nature spirits. It concludes with ritual license that dissolves social hierarchies, reducing everyone to the equal status of “children” of the guardian spirit.

MYTH AND RITE

The relationship between myth and rite is not a direct reflection but is often dialectical or inverse.
Myth often explains contradictions in an ideal, past time, while rite attempts to achieve ideal conditions in the imperfect present.
In the Buddhist complex, the myth states that the swamp monk Uppakrut is a Buddhist agent, while the rite enacts his conversion and taming into an agent.
In the spirit cult complex, the myth describes a devastating conflict between man and nature, while the rite expresses a simple relationship of dependence on the guardian spirit who embodies the resolution of that conflict.
The two complexes (Buddhist and spirit cult) represent counter-orientations to the world, both of which are seen as necessary in Thai village life.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 16

’BUNBANGFAI’ FESTIVAL AT NAPU VILLAGE (1966)

This account from Napu, the regional cult center, confirms the structure of the festival described in Baan Phraan Muan.
In Napu, the village guardian’s shrine is located within the wat compound, spatially showing the link between Buddhism and the spirit cult.
The festival is held annually in the 6th lunar month and follows a fixed sequence: monk ordination is followed by the rocket procession.
The procession is led by the male and female mediums (tiam), who dance ecstatically, followed by dancers, elders carrying the rockets, and the rest of the village.
The procession circles the bood (ordination hall), proceeds to the guardian’s shrine for a prayer and the firing of the wishing rocket, and concludes the next day with competitive firing and ritual license.

17 THE AFFLICTIONS CAUSED BY MALEVOLENT SPIRITS

Malevolent spirits (phii) are distinguished from guardian spirits; they are capricious, attack for reasons of self-interest, and are only communicated with when they cause affliction.
Guardian spirits are honoured ancestors who protect village interests and are propitiated collectively.
Minor afflictions from both types of spirits are diagnosed by a diviner (mau song), but different intermediaries (cham for guardians, mau phii for malevolent spirits) handle the offerings.
Serious cases of possession by malevolent spirits require an exorcist (mau tham), who uses the power of divine angels (thewada) to combat the spirit, unlike the medium (tiam) who acts as a vehicle for guardian spirits.

DEATH AND SPIRITS

Buddhist mortuary rites distinguish between normal death (elders) and abnormal death (violent, sudden, or in childbirth).
Those who die normally become ancestral spirits, and monks conduct rites to ensure their transition to heaven.
Those who die abnormally become dangerous, malevolent spirits (phii tai hoeng), as they have not completed their life cycle. Their funerals are hurried and unceremonious.
Ancestral spirits can cause minor illnesses if descendants neglect them (e.g., fail to transfer merit) or quarrel, acting as moral agents.
Spirits of the young who die violently are seen as free-floating evil because their lives were unfulfilled and they have “escaped society.”

AFFLICTION BY NATURE SPIRITS

A large category of miscellaneous spirits reside in nature (mountains, rivers, fields).
Spirits of the rice field (phii rai phii naa) act as guardians of household property and are given offerings, but can also cause affliction capriciously.
Travellers outside the village may be afflicted by spirits like phii pu loob (mountain spirit) or a spirit pair, chao phau san and nang keo.
The village is considered a secure universe. Sukhwan rites are performed to boost a traveller’s morale, while spirit placation rites are used for physical cures if they fall ill upon return.

POSSESSION BY SPIRITS

The spirit phii paub is distinct because it can be hosted by a living human and its removal requires an exorcist (mau tham) rather than simple placation.
It is similar to the anthropological concept of witchcraft.

The agent (phii paub)

A phii paub can be hosted by a living person, typically a magical expert (mau wicha) who has acted immorally or broken professional taboos, causing their spells to turn into the spirit.
The spirit can be transferred from a dying host to a child, or it can become a free-floating entity after the host’s death.
This concept is related to phii prai, the spirit of a child in a dead pregnant woman’s womb, which is believed to consume blood.

The victim

Women are the most common victims of phii paub possession.
Symptoms are often hysterical, such as crying or laughing loudly, complaining of neglect, and in cases of childbirth, profuse bleeding.

The exorcist

The exorcist (mau tham) handles serious spirit possessions like those by phii paub and phii prai.
The text describes the exorcist as an inversion and caricature of a Buddhist monk.
He uses sacred Buddhist words (gatha) to frighten and expel spirits, not for blessings.
His training involves a parody of Buddhist ordination, where he must enter a trance upon hearing sacred chants.
The practice has precedents in Buddhist traditions where ascetics gain mystic powers (siddhi/iddhi), and is related to Tantric and Burmese distinctions between “white/black magic” or “upper/lower path” practitioners.
The exorcist’s role is morally ambiguous but is best understood in relation to Buddhism, as both a “mock” and an “inversion” of a monk.

18 EXORCISM AS HEALING RITUAL

Exorcism is a healing ritual for hysterical symptoms caused by possession from a phii paub spirit.
Unlike the sukhwan ritual, the patient is seen as disconnected from society, and the ritual focuses on a direct confrontation between the exorcist and the patient, with family playing a supporting role.
The ritual follows four main sequences:
1. Invitation of the exorcist: The family formally invites the exorcist with an offering. A fee is paid based on the patient’s wealth and the difficulty of the cure.
2. The exorcist goes into a trance: The exorcist chants to invoke the power of his teacher and divine angels (thewada), who are believed to possess him and give him the power to fight the malevolent spirit.
3. Making the possessing spirit reveal itself: The exorcist uses shock therapy (whipping, frightening, verbal threats) to force the spirit, speaking through the patient, to reveal its identity. This admission signals the spirit’s defeat and externalizes the cause of the illness, absolving the patient of guilt.
4. Purification: A multi-stage process reincorporates the patient into the home and society. It involves lustration with charmed water at progressive locations (outside, on the threshold, inside), binding the patient with a cord, administering the five Buddhist precepts, and placing protective items at their bedside.

THE ACCUSED AND HIS FATE

When the possessing spirit reveals its human host, it can be a dead person (which causes no social issues) or a living person.
Living people accused of being a phii paub host are typically marginal figures: a practitioner of magic, an outsider who married into the village, or a stranger.
Sanctions against an accused person range from being ignored to expulsion from the village.
If multiple victims name the same person, cumulative accusations can lead to the accused being forced out by threats and stone-throwing.
Past cases show that accused outsiders were driven away, while an accusation against a passing stranger was considered unimportant once the victim was cured.

EXORCISM IN RELATION TO OTHER RITUALS

Buddhist Rites: The exorcism ritual parallels Buddhist rites by deriving power from a lineage of teachers and using spells said to originate from Buddhist texts. However, it inverts the process: monks publicly transfer grace, while the exorcist esoterically mutters spells to dominate an enemy.
Guardian Spirit Cults: Guardian spirits have a collective, communal role (e.g., controlling rain), whereas malevolent spirits attack individuals capriciously. The exorcist combats the spirit, while specialists for guardian spirits propitiate them.
Sukhwan Ritual: The sukhwan and exorcism rituals represent two opposite explanations for illness.
- The sukhwan ritual addresses “soul loss” by calling a person’s vital spirit essence (khwan) back into the body.
- The exorcism ritual addresses “spirit intrusion” by expelling a harmful external agent that has entered the body.

19 A KALEIDOSCOPIC VIEW OF THE RELIGIOUS FIELD

The religious landscape is a “field” composed of four overlapping ritual complexes: Buddhist ritual, khwan rites, the guardian spirit cult, and rites for malevolent spirits.
These complexes are presented using a model of five concentric circles (representing concepts, supernatural beings, specialists, rites, and social participation) divided into four sectors (one for each complex).
This model is an analytical tool, not a conscious framework for villagers, who may participate in multiple ritual types for a single problem.
While an individual may use different rituals simultaneously, the ritual complexes themselves are distinct as collective representations with different procedures, ethics, and functionaries.

CATEGORY DISTINCTIONS IN RITUAL OFFERINGS TO SUPERNATURALS

Offerings to supernatural agents are divided into two main linguistic and conceptual categories.
Kryang bucha: Offerings of respect (derived from puja) made to the Buddha, monks, thewada (divine angels), and in khwan rites. These are considered “free gifts” to honour the recipient.
Liang phii: Offerings meaning “to take care of spirits,” made to guardian spirits and malevolent spirits (phii). These are part of a bargain or fee for a desired outcome, such as healing or a good harvest.
This distinction reflects a value hierarchy where the Buddhist ideal of selfless giving (bucha) ranks higher than the coercive bargaining associated with spirit cults (liang phii).

CONTRASTIVE FEATURES OF RITUAL FUNCTIONARIES

Monk: A full-time, ascetic specialist for Buddhist rites (merit-making, mortuary). His ritual is austere, non-ecstatic, and he avoids spirit rites.
Paahm / mau khwan: A village elder and ex-monk who performs non-ecstatic khwan rites for life transitions.
Diviner (mau song), Medium (tiam), Intermediary (cham): Specialists in the spirit world. The diviner diagnoses spirit affliction. Mediums and intermediaries acquire power through possession and use ecstatic techniques; women often fill these roles.
Exorcist (mau tham): Uses ecstatic techniques and secret charms (said to be Buddhist gathas) to coerce and expel malevolent spirits, acting as an “inversion” of the monk.

The four ritual complexes have different spheres of relevance depending on the social scale (household, kin group, or community).
Buddhist rites and the guardian spirit cult span all levels, from the individual household to the entire community.
Khwan rites and rites for malevolent spirits have a narrower scope, primarily focused on individuals and households.

Individual, household and compound

Buddhist rites at this level include house-blessings and household merit-making.
Khwan rites are most significant here, focusing on life events like childbirth, marriage, and household prosperity.
Spirit rites are narrowest, dealing with individual afflictions and having little relevance outside the household.

Bilateral kin (and neighbours)

Buddhist monks are centrally involved in mortuary rites, which are significant for the extended kin group and neighbours.
Spirit cults have little importance at this intermediate social level.

Community

Khwan and spirit affliction rites lack collective, community-wide significance.
Both Buddhist rites (e.g., temple festivals) and guardian spirit cults (e.g., agricultural and rain-making rites) are congregational and have major village and regional importance.

THE GRAMMAR OF RITUAL TRANSACTIONS

Rituals can be understood through their sequence of actions, revealing different “grammars” of transaction with the supernatural.
Buddhist rites: The ideal transaction involves giving gifts first, with monks reciprocating with blessings. However, in services like house-blessings, the monks perform their duty first and receive gifts after, resembling payment.
Guardian spirit cult: The transaction is a bargain. A small offering is made with a request and a promise of a larger offering upon fulfillment (e.g., a good harvest).
Khwan rites: The transaction is unique, as the officiant (an elder) both performs the ritual service and gives gifts to the celebrant (a youth), with service and gifts flowing in the same direction.

THREE USES OF SACRED WORDS

Sacred words are used differently across the three main ritual complexes.
Buddhist Ritual: Monks chant in Pali, a language not understood by the laity. The words are considered inherently powerful, and their efficacy depends on the monk’s conduct and the layman’s merit-making.
Sukhwan Ritual: The officiant recites texts in the local language, meant to be understood as a direct message to the celebrant. The ritual is like a teaching session, with efficacy derived from the respected status of the elder.
Exorcism Ritual: The exorcist uses secret charms and spells, believed to be transformed Buddhist texts, uttered esoterically. The words are used as powerful, coercive weapons in a “shock therapy” to combat possessing spirits.

20 THE PARADE OF SUPERNATURALS

The myth and rite concerning rice provide a miniature view of the villagers’ universe, where nature, society, and deities interact.
The production and consumption of food are deeply connected to moral and ethical conceptions.
The myth brings together the various supernatural actors present in village life, showing how grand Buddhist cosmology is expressed in ordinary tasks.

MYTH: THE STORY OF NANG PHRAKOSOB

In the beginning, rice grew by itself in giant, fragrant grains and was the food of heavenly beings and the first Buddhas.
With each successive Buddha, the rice grain became progressively smaller.
An angry old widow struck the rice grains, causing them to shatter and fly away, leading to a 1,000-year famine.
The rice spirit, Nang Phrakosob, was persuaded to return to humanity by a rich man’s son, with the help of a fish and two divine angels disguised as a deer and a parrot.
Later, a greedy nobleman’s act of selling rice for profit caused Nang Phrakosob to leave again, resulting in another famine.
A deity, Chao Rathi, gave rice to an old ancestral couple, teaching them sacred verses (gatha) and rituals to protect it.
Chao Rathi broke the rice grain, creating the different varieties known today (glutinous, white, etc.).
The old couple learned to cultivate rice with the help of spirits (phii) and distributed it freely to all peoples and mythical kingdoms.
The myth explains the origin of rice cultivation techniques and the sukhwan khaw (calling the spirit of rice) ceremony.

ANALYSIS OF THE MYTH

The myth links rice cultivation directly to Buddhism, stating that rice exists to “feed life and religion.”
It portrays a tragic vision of humanity, where the quality of rice and the lifespan of Buddhism decline over time, reflecting Buddhist cosmology.
This tragic view is balanced by the villagers’ belief that rice is a precious vehicle for achieving wealth, power, and spiritual goals.
The story integrates the village’s main religious cults: Buddhist rites, benevolent angels (thewada), ancestral figures, sukhwan rituals, and reciprocal relationships with spirits (phii).
Structural analysis reveals key oppositions:
- Proper conduct (free distribution) brings prosperity, while improper conduct (anger, greed) brings famine.
- Rice progresses from a wild, natural state to a domesticated, cultural product.
- Immoral human actions paradoxically lead to the creation of the different varieties of rice.

THE RITE OF ‘SUKHWAN KHAW’ (CALLING THE SPIRIT ESSENCE OF RICE)

This rite is performed by each household after the harvest to call the dispersed spirit essence (khwan) of the rice back into the barn.
The belief is that performing the ceremony prevents the grain from being depleted quickly and ensures a good harvest the following year.
An officiant (paahm) recites a long text over offerings of food, liquor, and sweets placed in the barn.

Text read by ‘paahm’ at ‘sukhwan khaw’: ‘Saykhe charupe okasa okasa’

The text begins by describing the entire technological cycle of rice cultivation, from ploughing to threshing.
It details the offerings and ritual preparations for the ceremony.
The main part of the recitation is a repetitive calling of the rice’s spirit (khwan) to return from all places where it may have been scattered, spilled, or eaten by birds and animals.
The spirit is invited to reside in the barn, ensuring the supply remains full, and the text ends with a blessing for those who eat the rice to gain wisdom and long life.

The message of the ritual text

The text acts as a store of information, outlining both the technology of rice cultivation and the correct performance of the ceremony.
The repetitive calling of the khwan serves as redundancy to ensure the message is effectively communicated.
The final blessing connects the physical sustenance of rice with the highest Buddhist spiritual aspirations.

MYTH AND RITE

The relationship between the myth and the rite is one of inversion, not simple parallelism; together they portray a complex reality.
The myth emphasizes human dependence on gods, nature (animals), and rulers for the gift of rice.
The rite, in contrast, affirms human agency, hard work, and the need to protect the harvest from the predations of nature.
In the myth, animals are benevolent helpers who give rice to humans; in the rite, they are antagonists from whom the lost rice must be retrieved.
Together, they express a complete worldview: man’s dependence on external forces is balanced by the affirmation of his own effort and the need to handle the precious rice with care, all within a framework of Buddhist values.

21 THE PAST AND PRESENT IN THE STUDY OF RELIGION: CONTINUITIES AND TRANSFORMATIONS

The chapter aims to systematically define the relationship between “grand literary Buddhism” (historical texts) and “village religion” (contemporary practice), linking synchronic and diachronic analysis.
It critiques existing anthropological models, such as Marriott’s “little/great tradition” and Dumont and Pocock’s “popular/Sanskritic” levels, for being a-historical and creating a false separation.
The author argues that the concept of a single, uniform literary tradition (like “Sanskritic Hinduism” or “Pali Buddhism”) is an anthropologist’s fabrication, as these texts are diverse and span vast periods.
The distinction between literary and popular religion is often inapplicable because literate specialists, like village monks, actively use and transmit knowledge from classical texts within the local community.
The author proposes distinguishing between historical religion (past texts and institutions) and contemporary religion (religion as practiced today, including persistent past elements).
The link between these two should be understood through continuities and transformations.
Continuities are seen in the modern use of classical texts (suttas, Jatakas), monastic rules (Vinaya), and enduring symbols (like the Naga) in both grand and village contexts.
Transformations include historical shifts (e.g., monks becoming settled monastics supported by laity) and sociological adaptations (e.g., temporary monkhood integrated into the lay life cycle for merit and filial duty).
Abstract ideas from texts are transformed into concrete ritual actions, such as a funeral’s three circumambulations representing the three cosmic worlds.
Studying contemporary religion provides a complete picture of how different beliefs and practices relate, offering insights into historical processes like Buddhism’s accommodation of local spirit cults.