Buddhist Precept And Practice

Caution

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Preface

• This book is a revised version of the author’s D.Phil. thesis (Oxford University, 1966-67).
• Some changes were made in Ceylon in 1969, but the work was not entirely updated with subsequent publications.
• Chapter 8 was written before reading Dumont’s Homo Hierarchicus and would be formulated differently now, though its conclusions remain.
• The author regrets not being able to use certain later publications by Bechert and Tambiah.
• Fieldwork in Ceylon (1964-65) was financed by a Treasury Studentship; a 1969 visit was supported by a Hayter travel grant.
• Extensive acknowledgements are made for academic advice, practical assistance in Ceylon, hospitality, and feedback on the thesis manuscript from various scholars, friends, and family.
• The author’s wife provided significant support, keeping house in the village for nearly two years.
• The author worked without a field assistant or interpreter.
• The book is dedicated to the author’s informants.

Note on the Revised Edition

• This edition has been corrected, not rewritten.
• Approximately one hundred small changes, mostly correcting misprints and slips, have been made.
• Most corrections are credited to the Rev. Dr. Walpola Rahula.
• The note is dated Oxford, May 1989.

Introduction: Aims and Scope of this Book

I. The Problem: Religious Change

• This book contributes to the empirical study of religion, focusing on religious change.
• Religion is studied by various disciplines: theology, philology, religious history, sociology, anthropology, and psychology, each with characteristic approaches.
• The author advocates a single scholarly method across humanities and sciences: hypothesis and falsification (Popper’s method).
• Academic boundaries are artificial; problems, like religious change, often cross them, leading the author (a philologist) into social sciences.
• Anthropologists recognize limitations of synchronic (static) studies and the need for diachronic (change-focused) studies, often requiring historical data.
• The author distinguishes between:
  • ‘Cognitive’ religion: what people say they believe and do.
  • ‘Affective’ religion: what people really believe, inferred from their actions (religion of the heart).
  • Religious behaviour: what people really do.
• Inconsistencies can exist between cognitive and affective beliefs, and within doctrinal statements, illustrated by Catholic beliefs about ghosts.
• Organized religions avoid contradictions by declaring matters a mystery or by ignoring them (e.g., the Buddha on certain metaphysical questions).
• Defining religion is complex; the “belief in God/gods” criterion is problematic for Theravāda Buddhism, which may be cognitively non-theistic but affectively involves god-like veneration of the Buddha.
• The author accepts practitioner definitions and Dr. Percy Cohen’s list of systems in religion: cognitive, moral, ritual, symbolic, affective, and social.
• Religion is distinguished from magic: science is falsifiable; magic is a technique expected to work if performed correctly, while religion involves requesting aid that cannot be compelled.
• The author adopts Spiro’s definition: “an institution consisting of culturally patterned interaction with culturally postulated superhuman beings,” excluding magic.
• Religious change is studied because while religion’s ultimate origins are obscure, changes within religions are observable, especially in literate societies with scriptures.
• The ‘rationality principle’ (Popper) is key: people act in what they perceive as their best interests, given their beliefs and situation.
• Social and religious changes are often unintended consequences of individual actions.
• Value systems can be hierarchic (e.g., Heaven in Christianity, nirvāṇa in Buddhism) or preferential. The Bodhisattva ideal represents a shift in Mahāyāna Buddhist values.
• Ethos refers to high-level aims shared by a community.
• Religious change involves shifts in beliefs about facts or in aims; the rational link between them persists.
• Examples of religious change from Ceylon:
  • Changing beliefs: Decline of local gods mirroring political centralization.
  • Changing aims: Villagers aspiring to heaven/rebirth instead of nirvāṇa.
  • Changing ethos: Conversions for temporal gain leading to unintended shifts in family ethos.

II. Why Ceylon?

• To study religious change, a baseline understanding of the prior state of the religion is necessary, best found in religions with scriptures.
• While sects offer study material, the author focuses on broader religions (churches).
• Christianity is too complex due to its passage through many cultures. Knowledge gaps prevent study of Judaism, Islam, Taoism, or Confucianism.
• Hinduism presents difficulties: ancient/obscure Vedas, sectarian texts, and unclear chronology.
• Buddhism offers advantages:
  • Established chronology for the Buddha’s life.
• Theravāda Buddhism specifically offers:
  • A unitary body of scripture (Pali Canon).
  • Ceylon as a principal bearer with unique advantages:
    • Island geography allows for isolation of influences.
    • The Mahāvam̧sa, a written chronicle, details Sinhalese and Buddhist history from the 3rd century BC.
    • Ceylon was an ancient center for Buddhist learning and composition of Pali commentaries.
    • An uninterrupted Buddhist tradition of over 2,000 years among the Sinhalese.
    • The Sinhalese language’s descent from Sanskrit/Pali aids in tracking conceptual shifts for a Sanskritist.

III. The History, Geography and Economy of Ceylon

• History:
  • Divided into ancient (pre-1505) and modern (post-1505, European arrival) periods.
  • Ancient capitals: Anurādhapura, then Polonnaruva.
  • Modern period: Coastal areas ruled by Portuguese, Dutch, then British. Kandyan kingdom in interior remained independent until 1815. Ceylon unified and gained independence in 1947.
• Geography:
  • Principal cities: Colombo, Kandy, Galle, Jaffna.
  • Kandy (Central Province) was the core of the Kandyan kingdom, located in hilly terrain.
  • North Central Province (Anurādhapura, Polonnaruva) was the seat of ancient civilization.
• Economy/Agriculture:
  • Staple food is rice (paddy), requiring irrigation (ancient tanks and canals in drier regions).
  • Wetter regions host plantations (tea, rubber, coconuts), historically worked by imported Tamil labor.
  • Kandyan villages feature terraced rice fields and ‘village gardens’ (goda) with fruit trees and other useful plants.
  • Livestock includes chickens and goats; water-buffaloes are used for ploughing.
  • Traditional houses are solidly built; Buddhist monasteries are distinctive landscape features.
• Historical Sources:
  • Primary: Mahāvam̧sa (Pali chronicle), other literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence. Robert Knox’s 17th-century account is notable.
  • Secondary: Works by Walpola Rahula (Anurādhapura period), S. Paranavitana, G. P. Malalasekera.
• Key Historical Developments in Ceylonese Buddhism:
  • Buddhism (Theravāda) introduced by Mahinda (3rd century BC); Mahāvihāra monastery founded.
  • Pali Canon written down (c. 30 BC).
  • Schisms arose (e.g., Abhayagiri monastery, which studied Mahāyāna).
  • Influence from Indian Mahāyāna and Tantrism.
  • Cola invasions led to decline; Vijaya-Bāhu I (11th century) re-established ordination with monks from Burma. The order of nuns became extinct.
  • Parakkama-Bāhu I (12th century) reformed and unified the Sangha under Mahāvihāra (Theravāda); cultural flourishing.
  • Portuguese arrival (1505); Kandyan kingdom preserved Buddhist identity.
  • Vālivita Saranamkara (18th century) led a Buddhist revival; Siyam Nikāya established with monks from Siam (Thailand).
  • British rule (from 1815) ended state patronage but guaranteed Buddhism’s status.
  • Buddhist revival movements in the late 19th century (e.g., Theosophical Society).
• Population Demographics (at time of writing):
  • Majority Sinhalese Buddhists; significant Tamil (mostly Hindu, some Christian) and Muslim minorities.
  • Approximately 17,000 Buddhist monks.

IV. Field-work and Presentation

• Research based on approximately three dozen interviews with Buddhist monks near Kandy (1964-1965), supplemented by a later visit (1969).
• Challenges in interviewing included Sinhalese courtesy (potential for agreeable answers) and avoiding the imposition of new thoughts on interviewees.
• Monks were chosen for interviews because they had more religious opinions, it was a natural activity, they formed a definable group, and it facilitated temple visits.
• The author aimed to interview all incumbent monks in a specific parliamentary constituency.
• The book is framed around intellectual issues concerning traditional Buddhism, using interview material illustratively, rather than being a purely descriptive village study.
• A major acknowledged limitation is the lack of comparative knowledge of other ancient Buddhist schools, which could further illuminate Ceylonese Theravādin practices.

1. Sinhalese Buddhism-Orthodox or Syncretistic?

• Observed Kandyan village Buddhism is surprisingly orthodox, with doctrines and practices showing little change over 1,500 years.
• Theravādin orthodoxy is defined by the Pali Canon as interpreted by ancient commentaries, particularly Buddhaghosa’s 5th-century A.D. work.
• The Pali Canon (Tipitaka: Vinaya, Sutta, Abhidhamma Pitakas) was not compiled at one time, though it likely existed in a form similar to today’s by Asoka’s era.
• Buddhaghosa’s 5th-century A.D. Pali commentaries and his Visuddhimagga systematized earlier Sinhalese commentaries, becoming the standard for Theravāda doctrinal orthodoxy.
• Other commentators like Buddhadatta and Dhammapāla followed this unified commentarial tradition.
• The Mahāvaṃsa, a 5th-century Pali chronicle, documents religious practices and festivals; practices found in it can be considered part of an orthodox tradition.
• Many ancient festivals described in the Mahāvaṃsa resemble contemporary Kandyan village festivals.
• The claim of orthodoxy is surprising due to common assertions that Sinhalese village Buddhism is “corrupt” or “syncretistic” (mixed with animism and Hinduism).
• This judgment often stems from a Western, god-centered misunderstanding; acknowledging gods for worldly aid is not doctrinally incorrect in Buddhism, which focuses on ethics, future lives, and liberation.
• The presence of “Hindu gods” in Sinhalese Buddhist culture is not syncretistic because:
  • Historically, Buddhism has always acknowledged gods and supernatural beings.
  • Doctrinally, belief in gods as powerful but limited beings subject to moral law is compatible with Buddhist teachings.
• Buddhism in practice is “accretive,” with non-doctrinal beliefs added to core teachings.
• The Western-influenced idea of a “pure Buddhism” was shaped by 19th-century missionaries, rationalists, scholars (e.g., Rhys Davids), and Theosophists (e.g., Col. Olcott, Annie Besant).
• Col. Olcott significantly influenced the organization of modern Buddhism in Ceylon, modeling institutions on Christian ones.
• Anagārika Dharmapāla, influenced by Olcott and Western scholars, promoted a “purified” Buddhism.
• Two broad types of Buddhism exist in Ceylon today: traditional village Buddhism and modern, Western-influenced “Buddhist modernism.”
• The author views traditional Sinhalese village Buddhism as orthodox, potentially reflecting practices from 1,500 to 2,500 years ago.
• Modern Buddhist movements, often urban and drawing from Western interpretations, may be heading towards genuine syncretism, distinct from the earlier revival that founded the modern Nikāyas.

2. The Basic Vocabulary of Buddhism

• The Sinhalese word for ‘religion’ is āgama, derived from Sanskrit meaning ‘tradition’ or ‘sacred text’; Buddhism is Buddhāgama.
• The adjective āgamika (‘religious’) is not very idiomatic; ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ are often expressed periphrastically (e.g., āgama vaśayen - ‘to do with religion’).
• The Sanskrit terms laukika (‘profane’) and lokottara (‘sacred’) are learned and not commonly used or understood by ordinary Sinhalese.
• The verb adahanavā translates ‘to believe’ or ‘to believe in’ and also means ‘trust in’ or ‘worship’. There is no direct noun equivalent for ‘belief’; ädahīma is a verbal noun (‘believing’), and ādahilla refers to acts of worship.
• ‘Religious beliefs’ as a noun phrase can be āgama gāna adahas or āgama gāna mata (‘opinions about religion’).
• Pali saddhā (Sinhalese śraddhāva or sardhāva), often translated as ‘faith’, is better understood as ‘confidence’ in Buddhist doctrine, not requiring rejection of reason.
• The Sinhalese word viśvāsa means ‘trust’ or ‘confidence’ in any context and can be a synonym for adahanavā in the sense of ‘believe’ (e.g., Buddhāgamaya viśvāsa karanavā - ‘to believe in Buddhism’).
• The most important religious beliefs are considered to be Buddhist doctrine, known as Dharma.
• Buddhāgamaya, dharmaya, and śāsanaya (institutional aspect) can all be translated as ‘Buddhism’, with Buddhāgamaya being the least frequent.
• The Sinhalese verb vañdinavā is often translated as ‘worship’ but differs from the Christian concept. It denotes a physical respectful gesture (like añjali) or a mental attitude of reverence, primarily towards the Buddha, who is cognitively viewed as a dead man whose memory is revered.
• Western influence has led to some educated Sinhalese describing Buddhism as ‘not a religion but a practice’, and a government primer controversially stated ‘The Buddhist religion is not a religion’, meaning it’s a way of life beyond mere offerings, which caused misunderstanding.
• A young, educated monk distinguished between viśvāsaya (popular worship, seen as Mahāyāna accretion) and darśanē (philosophy, true Buddhism).
• The most frequent religious act is reciting Pali lines, including a salutation to the Buddha, the Three Refuges (tisarana), and the Five Precepts (pan sil).
• A Buddhist layman (upāsaka / upāsikā) is one who takes the Three Refuges and Five Precepts, reciting and keeping the latter daily.
• An upāsaka who supports monks is also called a dāyaka (‘giver’).
• Poya days (lunar quarter days) are holy days when laymen may take the Eight Precepts (ata sil), which include stricter rules like celibacy and abstaining from food after midday.
• The Ten Precepts (dasa sil) involve abstentions similar to clergy and are usually taken for life. Laymen taking them (dasa sil upāsakayō) wear white. For women, this is the highest religious status attainable, and they are known as upāsaka mâniyō or sil mâniyō, shaving their heads and wearing yellow or white.
• Entering the monastic order (mahana vima) makes one a novice (pod̀i hāmuduruvō), who keeps the Ten Precepts. Monks follow 227 rules, an elaboration of these precepts, and wear yellow/orange robes. Common terms for monks include svāminvahansē and hāmuduruvō.
• The Three Jewels (triratna or teruvan) are the Buddha (founder), Dharma (truth he discovered), and Sangha (order preserving the truth).
• The Buddhist worldview accepts a universe with hierarchical beings, heavens, hells, constant death and rebirth, and karma (ethicized as moral action) determining rebirth.
• The Dharma includes the Four Noble Truths: 1. Unhappiness (dukkha). 2. The arising of unhappiness (due to desire, tanhā or āsāva). 3. The destruction of unhappiness (by destroying desire, leading to nirvāṇa). 4. The path to the destruction of unhappiness (the Noble Eight-fold Path: right views, resolve, speech, action, livelihood, effort, mindfulness, meditation, often summarized as sīla, samādhi, paññā).
• Buddhism is also known as the Middle Path, avoiding extremes of indulgence and mortification.
• The doctrine of anatta (‘non-self’) or anātmavāda (‘doctrine of no soul’) posits that there is no immortal soul; what transmigrates is karma. The being reborn is ‘neither the same as, nor different from’ the one who died.
• While cognitively accepting no-soul, many Sinhalese affectively believe in personal survival after death, which may form a basis for religious practices diverging from official doctrine.
• The immediate religious goal for most villagers is a good rebirth, achieved through earning merit (pin) and avoiding demerit (pav).
• Merit is often acquired by keeping the Five Precepts or following the Ten Good Deeds (dasa kusala karma), which include giving, morality, meditation, transferring merit, service, respect, preaching, listening to preaching, and right beliefs.
• A pinkama is a public merit-earning event, typically feeding monks (dānē), preaching (bana), or sacred text recitation (pirit).
• A Buddhist temple (vihāraya) essentially consists of a monks’ residence (pansala). Other common features include:
  • An image-house (vihāragē) with Buddha statues and offerings.
  • A Bo tree (Bō gaha) with an altar.
  • A stupa (dāgaba, caitya) or relic mound.
  • A preaching hall (bana maduva).
  • A poya gedara for monastic rites.
• During a pinkama, temples are lively with people, offerings, drumming, and cries of ‘Sādhu’.
• Sacred objects like the preaching chair (dharmāsana), monk’s fan (vatāpata), and palm-leaf manuscripts (bana pota) are treated with decorum.
• Communal worship is less central than in some religions; major cooperative efforts involve supplying food for pinkam. Many attend, take precepts, and participate in rituals, though fewer engage in prolonged meditation or observance of Eight Precepts.

3. The Buddha

I. The Buddha’s Biography

• Gotama Buddha is considered the twenty-fifth in a line of Buddhas, with Maitrī Buddha prophesied as the twenty-sixth. The first was Dīpamkara, before whom our Buddha (then the ascetic Sumedha) vowed to become a Buddha, thus becoming a Bodhisattva.
• The 550 lives of our Buddha as a Bodhisattva are recounted in the Jātaka stories. The Nidānakathā, its introduction, details Sumedha’s vow and Gotama’s life as Prince Siddhārtha up to and shortly after his enlightenment.
• Current Sinhalese beliefs about the Buddha’s biography are largely based on the Nidānakathā, though all biographies likely stem from a lost original composed shortly after his death.
• Sinhalese Buddhists view the Buddha as a man, not divine, though supreme among men. He renounced a life of luxury, wife, and son, making the greatest renunciation.
• He underwent extreme austerities before enlightenment. Any wonders he performed were due to the power of truth, attainable by any arhat.
• Siddhārtha renounced the world at 29, became an ascetic for six years, and attained enlightenment at 35. He taught for 45 years and entered parinirvāṇa at 80. He is considered dead and powerless.
• Individuals must work out their own salvation; the Buddha cannot intervene or answer prayers. His last words emphasized self-reliance and the Dhamma.
• Strictly, anyone who sees nirvāṇa is a Buddha. Three types are recognized:
  • Samyak sambuddha: “Truly fully enlightened,” founds a teaching (śāsanē), like Gotama.
  • Pratyekabuddha: Achieves enlightenment alone, does not teach.
  • Śrāvaka buddha: Becomes enlightened as a disciple (an ordinary arhat).
• All three types are considered human. The cognitive position is that the Buddha was mortal, though a personality cult exists.
• Villagers’ knowledge of the Buddha comes from temple art (paintings and sculptures in image-houses) and Buddhist Sunday School (daham pāsala) primers.
• Daham pāsala textbooks cover the Buddha’s life (especially before enlightenment), Jātaka stories, and Pali stanzas.
• A summary of key incidents in Gotama Buddha’s life (paragraphs 1-28 in the text) includes: Sumedha’s vow; service to 23 other Buddhas; Jātaka lives (e.g., Vessantara); gods’ invitation to be born on earth; conception and birth; Asita’s and Kondañña’s prophecies; ploughing festival meditation; education and marriage; the three palaces; the four omens leading to renunciation; the great renunciation and hair-cutting; self-mortification; Sujātā’s milk-rice offering; battle with Māra; enlightenment; the seven weeks of meditation; invitation to teach by Brahmā; the first sermon; subsequent rainy seasons and teachings; visit to the Śākyas; conflicts with Devadatta; key disciples (Sāriputta, Moggallāna, Ānanda, etc.); visits to Ceylon; and his death (parinirvāṇa).
• Kandyan temple art traditionally depicts the twenty-four previous Buddhas, the seven weeks post-Enlightenment, sacred sites in Ceylon, the battle against Māra, and Jātakas like Vessantara. Low Country artists introduced a wider range of subjects (e.g., Buddhacarita scenes) and techniques.
• Common depictions in local temples include: the twenty-four previous Buddhas, Maitrī Buddha, various Jātaka stories, the gods’ invitation, the birth, scenes from the Great Renunciation and hair-cutting, Sujātā’s offering, the battle with Māra, the samādhi pilimaya (meditation image) representing enlightenment, the seven weeks (sat satiya), the first sermon, preaching in the Heaven of the Thirty-three, disciples Sāriputta and Moggallāna, Ānanda, Mahā Kassapa, and the recumbent Buddha representing parinirvāṇa.
• Daham pāsala primers emphasize Gotama’s life before enlightenment, with less focus on spectacular events compared to visual art.
• Contemporary knowledge of the Buddha is primarily based on ancient commentatorial literature, especially the Nidānakathā (for his life up to the first sermon), canonical sources and Jātaka introductions (for his ministry), the Mahāvamsa (for Ceylon visits), and the Mahāparinibbāna Sutta (for his death).
• The Nidānakathā, an anonymous Pali commentary, is divided into three parts covering the “Distant Origin” (Sumedha, previous Buddhas), “Not so Distant Origin” (Gotama’s life to enlightenment), and “Proximate Origin” (first year of preaching). Its content is largely paralleled in the Buddhavamsa, Cariyāpitaka, and the Buddhavamsa commentary (Madhuratthavilāsinī).
• Local traditions also draw from these parallel texts and Sinhalese classics, which closely follow the Pali sources.

II. The Buddha as Worshipped: Man or God?

• The cult of the Buddha is bridged by relics (dhātu), which are central to worship. The Tooth Relic of Kandy is a prime example, celebrated in the Āsala Perahāra.
• Relics are categorized into:
  • Sārīrika: Bodily remains.
  • Pāribhogika: Objects used by the Buddha (e.g., Bo tree).
  • Uddesika: Reminders or representations (e.g., images).
• Worship of relics is seen as resolving the cognitive dissonance between the Buddha’s death and his affective presence. The term dhātu (element/essence) itself suggests immanence.
• Relics, especially bodily ones, are enshrined in stupas, caskets, or images and are believed to possess sacred powers.
• Processions (perahāra) with relics involve drumming and a canopy. Food offerings (Buddha pūjā) are made before relics or images prior to monks’ meals; this food is not consumed by Buddhists.
• The Bo tree, a pāribhogika dhātu, is a common site for offerings, including flags.
• Pilgrimages (vandanāva) are often made to sites associated with pāribhogika dhātu, such as the four places recommended by the Buddha (birth, enlightenment, first sermon, death) and the “sixteen great places” in Ceylon believed to have been visited by him.
• Uddesika dhātu, particularly Buddha images (pilimaya), are an ancient innovation. Images are consecrated by sittaru craftsmen through an “eye festival” (nētra pinkama) and often house sārīrika dhātu.
• Common offerings (pūjā) before relics and images include flowers, incense, and lights, often accompanied by Pali verses. The rationale is to cultivate pure thoughts and gain merit, not to solicit aid from a living deity. The primary emotion is joy (priti).
• Food offerings to the Buddha image, accompanied by verses addressing him as if alive (e.g., “Adhivāsetu no bhante…”), represent a cognitive inconsistency, though the practice of offering food to relics is ancient. This differs from Hindu pūjā where offered food is consumed by worshippers.
• The kiripidu pātraya (milk-rice offering) is an annual harvest festival commemorating Sujātā’s offering.
• Cloth offerings include curtains before images (unlike Hindu practice, Buddha images remain accessible), coverings for the image’s hands/feet, and flags on Bo trees.
• Ceremonies that deviate from the strict doctrinal view of the Buddha as a dead monk include:
  • Śabda pūjāva (offering of sound): Drumming by beravāyō caste members, treating the Buddha like a king. This has ancient precedents in royal patronage of stupa worship.
  • Sūvisi pinkama (festival of twenty-four Buddhas): Kandyan dancing and chanting about previous Buddhas, also treating them with royal honors.
  • Linguistic evidence supports this royal treatment: titles like Buduhāmuduruvō (Lord Buddha) and Budu rajānanvahansē (His Majesty King Buddha), and the use of royal honorifics. The Buddha himself suggested his cremation be like a king’s.
• Nānumura mangalya (Festival of Anointing): An annual New Year ceremony where monks anoint the Buddha image’s reflection in a mirror, behind closed doors. They also offer the eight requisites (treating him as a super-monk) and perform royal services (fan, yak’s tail). The secrecy and mirror use suggest treating the image as alive.
• Nētra pinkama (eye festival): The consecration of an image by painting its eyes. The craftsman uses a mirror, and the image’s gaze (bālma) is considered dangerously powerful, implying the image becomes alive and potentially maleficent. This treats the Buddha as a god.
• Cognitively, the Buddha is understood to be dead and powerless. However, ritual contexts reveal inconsistencies and affective beliefs in his continued potency.
• The Pali verse “Kāyena vācā cittena…” asks the Buddha (Tathāgata) for forgiveness. Originally for ritual mistakes at the Temple of the Tooth, it’s used by laity after pūjā. Some middle-class usage implies seeking pardon for general wrongdoing, contrary to doctrine, but rationalized as thought purification.
• Village laity may hold inconsistent beliefs, acknowledging the Buddha’s death but also a “Buddha force” (Budubalaya) associated with relics and images, lasting until the end of the dispensation.
• The general conclusion is that while the cognitive stance is the Buddha’s death, affective beliefs and ritual practices often imply he is still a potent, living presence, sometimes treated as a king, a super-monk, or even a god with a powerful gaze.

4. A Sketch of the Universe as seen from Migala

I. Causation

• The Buddhist universe operates in cycles of evolution and devolution without a first cause or final judge, unlike the Christian God.
• The law of karma is central, replacing divine omnipotence and resolving the problem of theodicy on a cognitive level by explaining suffering as a result of past actions.
• The traditional Sinhalese worldview lacks a concept of ‘laws of nature’; things operate according to their ‘own essence’ (svabhāvaya), though karma is a universal law.
• Karma, meaning ‘deed’ or ‘act’, emphasizes intention (cetanā) and is a doctrine of free will, not fatalism; determinism is considered a heresy.
• While misfortune may be attributed to “Karumée” (karma), this does not negate personal responsibility; karma is believed to determine birth station and luck (vāsanāva), but present actions also shape life.
• Affectively, the karma doctrine can lead to feelings of fatalism or being trapped in a cycle of sin and poverty, especially for villagers.
• Astrology is often consulted due to uncertainty about karma, with horoscopes (kēndraya) seen as reifying one’s karmic stock; usage varies, with some devout Buddhists relying more on faith.
• The Buddha condemned astrological practice for monks as a distraction from salvation, without denying its potential validity.
• Astrological predictions are often imprecise, indicating unlucky periods (apale) rather than specific events; specific misfortunes are attributed to gods, men, devils, or natural causes.
• Responses to misfortune include Western or Ayurvedic medicine, magic, exorcism, or vows to gods, all considered worldly and not ‘religion’ (āgama).
• Gods and demons are considered facts of life, not part of the Buddha’s message; monks are ideally detached from their influence.
• A distinction is made between propitiating supernaturals for worldly benefits and religious actions directed towards the Buddha (e.g., asking for forgiveness of sins).
• Buddhist texts, like in the pirit ceremony or the ‘Iti pi so’ gāthā, are used for worldly protection and relief, a practice considered doctrinally unproblematic.

II. The Contents of the Universe

• The Sinhalese Buddhist universe includes non-human inhabitants and institutions largely outside the local definition of Buddhism but crucial for understanding the worldview.
• Canonical cosmology describes three spheres: desire (kāmadhātu), form (rūpadhātu), and non-form (arūpadhātu), with heavens, hells, and the human world (manusyaloka) situated within them.
• The ‘actual’ universe for practical purposes is the sphere of desire, with humans at the center, capable of attaining nirvāṇa, a state, not a place.
• The actual pantheon primarily consists of supernaturals interacting within the human world: gods (deyyō), yaksa (devils/nature spirits), and preta (ghosts/departed spirits).
• Gods (deyyō) include canonical figures (Sakra, Mahā Brahmā – now ideal) and currently worshipped deities like Vishnu and Kataragama (borrowed from Hinduism and Buddhicized). ‘Little gods’ can be deified humans.
• Yaksa is a broad category, from nature deities to malevolent demons causing disease; devils in hell are also yakā.
• Preta are hungry ghosts, often one’s dead relatives, to whom merit is transferred, especially during funeral rites.
• Holman are apparitions (ghosts), usually manifestations of yakku, associated with death scenes and cemeteries; Mahasōnā is a feared ghoul.
• Animals are part of the rebirth cycle, some symbolizing vices; the cobra (nāga) holds a special, semi-divine status.
• Humans can attain nirvāṇa regardless of status, though it’s considered harder for women. Arhats (enlightened beings) like Sivali are venerated, their images sometimes used as lucky charms.
• The structure of the pantheon, as per Obeyesekere, mirrors a feudal system, with the Buddha (or Śakra) at the apex granting warrants (varam) to gods.
• Kataragama, a powerful, six-headed Tamil Hindu deity (Skanda/Murugan), is increasingly prominent, associated with fire-walking and self-mortification; monks’ views on him vary.
• Vishnu (Upulvan) is a benevolent guardian deity of Ceylon. Nātha (Avalokiteśvara, future Maitrī) and Pattinī (goddess) are declining in importance. Saman is the god of Adam’s Peak.
• Dāḍimunda (Alutnuvara Deyyō) is a local god with a story connecting him to the Buddha’s enlightenment.
• Bodhisattva is a religious status for one vowing to become a Buddha; some gods (Vishnu, Saman) and ancient kings are considered Bodhisattvas.
• The Twelve Gods (dolos deyyō) are local village deities (gambāra deyyō), often in Kataragama’s retinue, whose cults validate social structures and ensure local welfare. Ritual impurity (killa) applies to their cult.
• Individual members of the Twelve Gods (e.g., Piṭiya Deyyō, Kalu Baṇḍāra, Kadavara, Kalukumārayā, Hūniyam) have distinct characteristics and origin stories, often combining elements of nature deities, malevolent spirits, and deified ancestors or banished nobles.

III. Attempts to influence non-human beings

• Rituals and institutions vary based on the being’s status: Buddha worship (vihāra, monks, Pali language), Hindu gods like Kataragama (kovil, Brahmin, Sanskrit), Buddhist gods (dēvālē, kapuvā, Sinhalese), and minor spirits (exorcists, unintelligible spells).
• Specialists often have overlapping knowledge: monks may know astrology/medicine; kapurālas may supply amulets.
• Dēvālēs to village gods are often sited at striking natural features and are opened by the kapuvā (priest/medium) on kemvara days (e.g., Sundays, Tuesdays, Fridays); the kapuvā may become possessed.
• Worship of higher gods involves seeking blessings (śāntiya) and protection (āraksāva), offering merit and coins. Village gods are approached for specific requests, fortune-telling (śāstra kiyanavā), or healing, with offerings (pañduru) and vows (bāra).
• Aduku (first fruits) ceremony is an annual harvest festival for village gods, involving the kapurāla dancing while possessed (kemvara naṭanavā).
• Exorcisms, like lime-cutting (dehi kāpima), aim to remove evil influences (dos/vas) from spirits or the evil eye; large-scale devil-dancing is rare in the Migala area.
• Amulets (yantra – engraved copper foil) and protective threads tied while reciting Buddhist texts (e.g., ‘Iti pi so’ gāthā) are common for white magic.
• Pirit ceremonies involve chanting Pali texts (from Catubhānavāra) for protection, merit, or to mark occasions, featuring a thread (pirit nül) and consecrated water (pirit pän).
• Explanations for pirit’s efficacy include converting yaksas through preaching or earning merit; however, merit doesn’t immediately cancel current karmic suffering.
• The ‘Iti pi so’ gāthā (Buduguna) is a common Pali formula eulogizing the Buddha, used privately as a protective spell.
• Using Buddhist texts or relics as spells or talismans is an ancient practice, considered part of ‘Buddhist religion’ (Buddhāgamaya) by many, and not necessarily contradictory to doctrine if for worldly ends.
• The efficacy of these practices is often attributed to the power of human thought and faith (visvāsa).

IV. Summary

• Local beliefs vary, with some villagers expressing skepticism about kapurālas and gods needing money, while still believing in karma, merit, and the protective power of Buddhist recitations (Budugunē) against yakku or holman.
• Some individuals may reject belief in gods altogether, viewing associated practices as means for priests to profit.
• A traditional monk’s view synthesizes the cosmos: Sakra as chief of gods, a hierarchy extending to village deities (gambāra deyyō); Vessavana ruling yakṣas and prētayō who fear the Three Refuges.
• Astrology indicates trends; planetary deities effect karma. Karma determines birth, but details of life are influenced by one’s efforts and thoughts, aligning with the Dhammapada’s emphasis on the mind.

5 Total Responsibility in Theory and Practice

• This chapter examines Buddhist beliefs such as superseded karma (ahosi kamma), the religious wish (prārthanā), and transference of merit (patti and pattānumodanā), which appear to challenge the core doctrine of karma where destiny depends solely on individual effort.
• Ahosi Kamma (Superseded Karma):
  • Refers to karma, typically bad, that does not come to fruition due to subsequent events or the attainment of nirvāṇa.
  • Arhats, however, cannot escape the consequences of five great sins (e.g., killing parents, as seen in Mugalan’s story).
  • Karma is classified into four types: 1) results in this life, 2) results in the next life, 3) results when opportunity arises, and 4) ahosi (disappears).
  • Dutugāmunu’s case, where vast merit from supporting Buddhism is said to make his sin of killing ahosi, is a key example, though opinions among monks vary.
  • The concept suggests that not all actions can be fully recompensed, and some lesser sins may lapse if not paid for in this or the next life.
  • Ahosi kamma is largely a scholastic concept, not widely understood by laypeople, though a popular, unorthodox variant suggests merit can cancel sin.
• Prārthanāva (Religious Wish):
  • An “earnest wish” made at the end of meritorious acts (pinkama), commonly for attaining nirvāṇa, often accompanied by “Sādhu sādhu sā.”
  • Used at funerals (wishing nirvāṇa for the deceased) and in letter-writing (wishing refuge in the Three Jewels for the recipient).
  • Wishes for others are explained as benevolence; wishes for oneself are more doctrinally complex and likely arose from emotional needs.
  • A traditional prārthanā seeks future bliss until rebirth in Maitrī’s time, followed by nirvāṇa.
  • The dying wish, aspiring for a specific rebirth, is believed effective, cognitively linked to life’s conduct, but affectively mitigates karma’s severity.
  • Monks’ blessings after alms (dānē) often include fulfilling the donor’s desires, suggesting wishes beyond nirvāṇa, which affectively feels magical but is doctrinally tied to the donor’s karma.
  • The Buddha condemned desiring nirvāṇa, but this was later often disregarded.
  • Monastic explanations frame prārthanā for nirvāṇa as reminders of the goal and necessary for sustained effort, generally aligning with orthodoxy but overlooking the Buddha’s specific condemnation of such desire.
• History of Prārthanā (Patthanā in Pali):
  • Patthanā (Pali for prārthanā) for oneself appears in commentatorial literature, not the earliest sermons (Four Nikāyas).
  • It can mean ‘request’ or ‘prayer’ (e.g., Sujātā’s wish to a yaksa) or ‘earnest wish/aspiration’ (panidhi), the latter being the vow to become a Buddha.
  • The Dhammapada commentary provides examples of patthanā for dying wishes, worldly ends, and spiritual attainment (including a pratyekabuddha seemingly granting a wish, which is undoctrinal).
  • While patthanā contravenes the ideal of not desiring nirvāṇa, it’s rationalized to fit karma and intentionality doctrines, though participants often feel wishes are directly granted.
  • The common wish for comfortable rebirths until Maitrī’s time and then nirvāṇa is found in respected ancient sources like Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga.
• Act of Truth (Saccakiriya):
  • The belief that a solemn, truthful assertion of one’s righteousness can achieve a desired outcome.
  • Examples include Angulimāla easing childbirth by stating his non-killing since ordination (the basis of Angulimāla pirit).
  • Now largely theoretical, as few are considered holy enough. Duṭugāmunu’s use is a noted historical instance.
  • Affectively, it’s seen as a shortcut, difficult to fully harmonize with karma doctrine.
  • Often grouped with prārthanā and pirit as a form of white magic relying on the power of religious utterances, as suggested by the pirit text Mahā Jayamangala Gāthā.
• Transference of Merit (Pin Dima - Giving Merit):
  • “Giving merit” means offering others the chance to earn merit by rejoicing in one’s own meritorious act (pattānumodanā); the giver does not lose merit.
  • This aligns with the Buddhist ethic of intention, as the spectator’s pure thought also earns merit.
  • This generalized form is not original doctrine; the terms patti (giving the chance) and pattānumodanā (rejoicing) in this sense are not in the Four Nikāyas.
  • The Pali verb anumodati originally meant ‘to agree with’ or ‘to thank’; anumodana (noun) meant ‘thanks’, especially a monk’s thanks for alms.
  • Merit is commonly transferred after an alms-giving (dānē), where the donor is instructed to transfer merit to gods by reciting a Pali verse.
  • Transferring merit to gods is canonical (e.g., Mahāparinibbāna Sutta), with commentary clarifying this as “giving the merit” (patti).
• Mataka Dānē (Dānē for the Dead):
  • Alms-givings for deceased relatives, with the seventh-day dānē being obligatory.
  • The ritual involves offering food to the Sangha, then pouring water into an overflowing dish while monks chant, symbolizing the benefit reaching the dead (preta). The householder dedicates the act to relatives.
  • Doctrinally, the dead can only benefit if reborn as a specific type of preta (paradattopajivin); the act primarily earns merit for the living.
  • The origin story involves King Bimbisāra, whose preta ancestors benefited only after he specifically offered them the merit from a dānē.
  • The mataka dānē is canonical, adapting Hindu ancestral offerings. The Petavatthu’s Tirokudda Sutta describes pretas benefiting from food/drink given by relatives, with later verses incorporating Buddhist concepts of Sangha and merit.
  • The practice evolved: originally offering actual food, it was reinterpreted as offering merit, as monks consume the food. This resolved doctrinal issues (e.g., Kathāvatthu states Petas can’t enjoy material food).
  • The meaning of anumodati shifted from ‘thanking’ (by pretas for a gift) to ‘rejoicing’ (by pretas or anyone at the merit itself), aligning practice with karma doctrine.
  • Popular understanding often remains transactional (monk thanks, donor gives merit to gods for protection).
  • The separation of merit from the gift itself allowed ideas like retrospective merit transfer and merit as a spiritual currency.
  • The full evolution of this doctrine, including ‘pure rejoicing’ (suddh’ anumodanā) as meritorious, likely occurred within the ancient period.
  • There’s often a gap between the cognitive (doctrinal explanation) and affective (emotional feeling of benefiting the dead) aspects of the mataka dānē.
• Pamsukūla Ceremony (at Funerals):
  • A white cloth (pamsukūla) is laid on the coffin, formally offered to the Sangha by relatives, and then taken by monks after chanting verses on impermanence. Water-pouring similar to mataka dānē follows.
  • Pamsukūla originally referred to an ascetic practice where monks used only rags from cemeteries.
  • The modern ceremony fuses this with a dānē: monks symbolically take the “corpse-clothing,” but relatives provide new cloth to maximize merit, thereby losing the original ascetic meaning.
• Conclusion (of the chapter in the text):
  • The doctrines of ahosi kamma, prārthanā, and merit transference, while appearing “modern” relative to early texts, are ancient and largely avoid direct contradiction with core orthodoxy.
  • They often serve as rationalizations or “Buddhicizations” of practices (like dying wishes or rites for the dead) that offer psychological relief from the strictness of karma.
  • While the cognitive understanding of karma theory remains intact, its affective rigour is sometimes sidestepped.
  • Practices like prārthanā for happy rebirths and merit transfer to the dead show that the anatta (no-self) doctrine has limited affective immediacy regarding future lives, and belief in personal survival after death is a practical feature of Sinhalese Buddhism.

6. The Ethic of Intention

• Buddhist ethics involve formulations like the Five Precepts (negative abstentions), Ten Good Deeds (positive actions), and the Noble Eight-fold Path (morality, concentration, wisdom).
• Lay Buddhists primarily focus on morality (sīla) and merit-making (pinkam) for a favorable rebirth, with less emphasis on meditation for nirvāṇa, though meditation is one of the Ten Good Deeds.
• The Five Precepts are demanding absolutes, while the Ten Good Deeds provide a broader, positive, and more attainable framework for ethical conduct.
• Central to Buddhist ethics is intention (cētanāva), which constitutes karma; thus, prudence (acting for long-term benefit) and true morality align.
• The doctrine of the “suitable recipient” (e.g., giving to the Sangha yields greater merit) and considerations of the gift’s size can challenge the supremacy of pure intention in practice.
• Giving (dāna) is categorized into “thought of worship” (e.g., to the Sangha, yielding more merit) and “thought of favour” (e.g., to a beggar, motivated by pity).
• Despite the doctrinal emphasis on intention, practical ethics often favor tangible good works (pin), reflecting a desire for a pleasant future existence.
• The purification of thoughts (hita suddha kara ganta) and the cultivation of joy (prītiya) during meritorious acts are considered vital for spiritual progress.
• The Five Precepts (abstaining from killing, stealing, sexual misconduct, lying, and intoxicants) are widely known and recited, though the depth of understanding of the Pali terms varies.
• Interpretations of the Precepts can be literal, equating sin (pav) with the act of transgression, but also flexible, allowing for situations where an act is considered “sin but all right” based on context or perceived lack of harm to others.
• The sinfulness of killing (pav) is doctrinally dependent on intention, not the status of the victim; however, societal views often differ.
• The historical example of Dutugāmunu’s war illustrates the ethical tension: killing is a sin, yet his purported good intention (saving Buddhism) is often seen as mitigating the transgression.
• Observance of the Five Precepts varies: lying is common, often to preserve status; stealing is strongly condemned but occurs; attitudes towards sexual misconduct and alcohol consumption show flexibility.
• Buddhism does not mandate vegetarianism; monks may consume meat not specifically killed for them. While killing animals is a sin, societal practices involve compromises, and a hierarchy of disapproval exists for consuming different types of animals/animal products.
• Key elements of the Sinhalese Buddhist ethos include:
  • Valuing truth, though it may be subordinated to honor, loyalty, or kindness.
  • Admiring piety (bhakti, sardhāva) towards the Buddha and sacred objects.
  • Abhorring the three primary vices: lobha (greed/desire, considered the worst), dosa (hatred/anger), and moha (delusion/stupidity).
  • Highly valuing freedom from attachment, kindness (karunāavanta) often expressed through generosity, and moderation/quiet self-control (śānta dānta).
  • Condemning physical violence and valuing passivity.
  • Considering intelligence and learning (paññā) as morally positive.
• In contrast to Christian cardinal virtues:
  • Faith beyond reason is not a Buddhist ideal.
  • Hope, if equated with desire (āśā), is viewed as a vice.
  • Charity/loving-kindness (karunāva/maitrī) is a paramount Buddhist virtue.

7. The Monastic Ideal and the Decline of Buddhism

• Anyone can perform the Ten Good Deeds, but teaching (desanā) and meditation (bhāvanā) are more typical of monks, though laymen also engage in them, especially dasa sil upāsakas who may meditate more than most monks.
• Monks are divided into granthadhura (book-focused, teaching, larger group) and vidarśanadhura (meditation-focused, smaller group); this distinction is largely a matter of individual choice and tends to become absolute in practice.
• The traditional distinction between village-dwelling (grämaväsin) and forest-dwelling (āraññavāsin) monks no longer corresponds to practice or the granthadhura/vidarśanadhura division, with most monks living in villages.
• Buddhism is conventionally divided into learning (paryäpti), practice (pratipatti), and realization (prativedanā), each dependent on the preceding; granthadhura monks are key for paryäpti (preserving scriptures and tradition).
• Monastic education has largely shifted from individual teachers to pirivenas (monastic schools/colleges), leading to more standardized education, including Sanskrit and Pali. Vidyodaya and Vidyālaṃkara are prominent examples, now largely secularized.
• Daham pāsal (Buddhist Sunday schools), often organized by monks, provide religious education, but many granthadhura monks do not teach personally or in institutions.
• Monks typically preach 15-20 times a year (full-moon poyas, special occasions), not every poya day as sometimes believed; audiences are usually older, predominantly female, upāsakas.
• Types of bana (preaching) include mataka bana (at a dead person’s house), pamssukülē bana (at funerals), sāmānya bana (on poya days), and more elaborate forms like āsana dekē bana (two-seat preaching) and the dramatized Alavaka-yaksa-damané.
• Pin anumodanā is a stylized form of teaching given as thanks for offerings, aiming to arouse joy in donors and allow them to share merit.
• While traditionally monks begged for alms (pindapāta), most monasteries now have resources; daily meal supply (dāne) often depends on lay organization. Pindapāta is now rare, practiced mainly by fundamentalists.
• Vas (rains retreat) is a period of three to four months when monks stay in one place and are generally more active as preachers. During vas, Siyam Nikāya monks in the area hold the uposatha ceremony (recitation of pätimokkha), though often only a section is recited and no actual confessions occur. Amarapura and Rāmañña Nikāyas are noted as more orthodox in holding this ceremony outside vas.
• The extent of meditation (bhāvanāva) among monks is hard to ascertain; some do not meditate, some do little, and some meditate regularly, often following Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga.
• Popular meditation subjects include maitrī (kindness), piḷikul/asubha (body impurities – recalling 32 constituents or contemplating corpse decomposition, though the latter is impractical now), Buddhānusmrti (on the Buddha), and the Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta.
• Dasa sil māniyō (nuns) also meditate, often on piḷikul bhāvanāva, using beads and muttering gāthā, a different method than monks.
• Meditation is categorized into samatha (tranquillity, using 40 kammaṭṭhāna) and vipassanā (intuition, on anicca, dukkha, anatta), with vipassanā considered superior. Some monks practice vipassanā based on living tradition.
• Modern forest-dwelling monks, including some Europeans, devote their lives to meditation, sometimes reviving ancient practices (e.g., Salgala group); some use the Visuddhimagga, while others follow Burmese methods learned from a teacher.
• The rarity of meditation is linked to a widespread belief in the decline of Buddhism (sāsanē), predicted by the Buddha to last 5,000 years. Many monks and laity believe nirvāṇa is no longer attainable in the current era, citing Maliyadeva as the last arhat.
• Counterarguments suggest arhats may still exist (perhaps in Burma), as key elements of Buddhism (relics, learning, practice, realization) persist, and the Buddha linked the sāsanē’s duration to continued mindfulness practice.
• The disappearance of the sāsanē is described as the loss of five things: relics, realization, monks/novices, practice, and learning. Canonical texts are said to disappear in a specific reverse order, with learning vanishing last.
• An eschatological narrative describes a moral decline, shortening lifespans, world destruction (Murugasaṃvarsāva), followed by a gradual moral recovery and increasing lifespans, eventually leading to conditions ripe for the next Buddha, Maitrī.
• Maitrī Buddha is expected after a very long period, when the lifespan is 80,000-84,000 years; people hope to be reborn in his time to benefit from his 80,000-year teaching. Dutugämunu is often predicted to be his chief disciple.
• Monk 6 offered eccentric eschatological views: present religion is very low, nirvāṇa unattainable until Maitrī, and pina (merit) is useless without prārthanā (aspiration) for nirvāṇa under Maitrī. He described a luxurious existence for Maitrī’s followers and a three-stage parinirvāṇa for Gotama Buddha, culminating in his relics reassembling, preaching a final sermon, and then true disappearance.
• Commentarial sources (Anguttara-Aṭṭhakathā, Vibhanga-Aṭṭhakathā) detail the final disappearance of the Buddha’s relics, which assemble, possibly reconstitute his form or create a radiant pile, before vanishing, marking the true end of the doctrine. This material is often known through mediaeval Sinhalese classics.

8. Caste in the Monastery

• The adoption of caste by the Sinhalese Buddhist Sangha represents a significant deviation from early Buddhism and is a more pervasive change than other monastic alterations like property ownership or political involvement.
• This issue is ideologically charged, with traditionalists admitting its doctrinal indefensibility and modernists strongly opposing it.
• The Sinhalese caste system, while linked to India’s, features fewer castes, less emphasis on ritual pollution, and a dominant, high-status Goyigama (cultivator) caste, with the Rodi at the lowest end.
• Historically, Ceylon’s social stratification evolved from ancient theoretical classes to mediaeval divisions of nobility and commoners, and then to the Kandyan feudal system where castes were largely occupation-based and service (rājakāriya) was central.
• In contemporary Kandyan villages, while casual inter-caste social interaction occurs, subtle but firm distinctions in seating, commensality, and marriage persist, and caste awareness is maintained through language.
• The Buddha taught that true spiritual status (e.g., being a “true brahmin”) is determined by actions, not birth, and did not advocate for the abolition of caste as a social system among laity, though he considered it irrelevant for those entering the Sangha.
• The early Buddhist Sangha was open to individuals from all castes, and monks were instructed to accept alms from anyone, disregarding concepts of ritual purity.
• Caste discrimination within the Ceylonese Sangha is a recognized contradiction to Buddhist doctrine, with some historical evidence suggesting early tendencies towards caste distinctions among monks in Ceylon.
• The Siyam Nikāya’s restriction of ordination primarily to the Goyigama caste developed over centuries, influenced by royal decrees and social norms, despite initial ordinations in 1753 including non-Goyigama individuals.
• The Amarapura Nikāya (founded 1802) and Rāmañña Nikāya (founded 1864) emerged from ordinations sought in Burma by non-Goyigama castes and reformers, respectively.
• Modern Buddhist Nikāyas in Ceylon (Siyam, Amarapura, Rāmañña) have no doctrinal differences but vary in customs and are primarily differentiated by the caste of their members.
• The Siyam Nikāya is predominantly Goyigama; the Amarapura Nikāya is internally divided by various non-Goyigama castes; the Rāmañña Nikāya, despite reformist origins, also largely adheres to caste-based recruitment, with its Kandyan branches typically admitting only Goyigama.
• Monks across Nikāyas acknowledge caste as a key differentiator: Amarapura monks generally oppose caste discrimination, while Siyam Nikāya monks exhibit views ranging from discomfort to acceptance, often citing tradition or apocryphal royal decrees.
• Caste influences monk-laity interactions, including historical exclusion of the lowest castes (e.g., Rodi) from temples (though attitudes are liberalizing) and subtle food-related observances by high-caste monks with low-caste laity.
• The attitudes of high-caste laity, who may show diminished respect to low-caste monks, contribute significantly to the perpetuation of caste divisions within the Sangha.
• Some monks justify caste-based ordination by arguing that ordaining low-caste monks in predominantly high-caste areas would alienate lay supporters, thereby harming the local Buddhist establishment.
• The entrenchment of caste in the Sangha is attributed to its deep involvement in a caste-ridden society, a consequence of the historical shift from mendicancy to settled monasticism, land ownership, and hereditary succession of temple incumbencies.
• Modernization and modernist Buddhist movements advocate for castelessness, yet the Sangha’s societal embeddedness may reinforce caste divisions internally, even as lay society sees caste barriers erode due to broader socio-economic changes.
• The Sinhalese caste system is considered less oppressive than India’s, partly because Buddhist teachings de-emphasize hereditary status, minimize pollution concepts, and promote a universalist ethic focusing on human similarities.

9. Conclusion

• The author distinguishes between what people say now and what they do now, noting discrepancies similar to those likely present 1,500 years ago, exemplified by Duṭugämunu’s actions (using relics as talismans, fighting holy wars, justifying killing non-Buddhists, devotional practices, and politicizing Buddhism).
• The term ‘popular Buddhism’ is considered misleading if it implies a decline from an ideal or a strict laity/monk divide; it’s more accurate as ‘widely liked’.
• Weber’s analysis of Buddhism is critiqued for conflating textual ideals with actual historical behaviour, leading to an inaccurate portrayal of early Buddhist personality and actions.
• Buddhism presents dichotomies: self-restraint (śānta dānta) versus love (karunāvanta), nirvāṇa versus heaven as goals, and meditation versus active merit-making as paths.
• The Buddha exemplified both self-restraint and love (compassion), but for most individuals, a choice or emphasis is necessary; the samyak sambuddha, embodying both, is considered superior to the arhat.
• The tension between self-restraint and love is fundamental, with Theravāda emphasizing self-restraint (though acknowledging the Bodhisattva ideal) and Mahāyāna emphasizing love (Bodhisattva postponing enlightenment).
• Historically, Theravāda doctrine prioritizes nirvāṇa through self-restraint, but in practice, there’s a strong preference for love and merit-making (pinkam) aimed at good rebirth, with nirvāṇa often postponed to the era of Maitrī.
• Cognitive religion aligns with meditation and nirvāṇa, while affective religion focuses on merit-making for better rebirths, which is emotionally more satisfying for many.
• The future Buddha’s name, Maitrī (love), symbolically underscores the value placed on the positive ideal.
• Theravāda doctrine has adapted to accommodate emotional needs, such as the rationalization of merit transfer.
• Despite adaptations, the ideal of self-restraint persists, evident in the prestige of meditation and hermits (e.g., Salgala monks), though such movements risk becoming institutionalized.
• The monk-layman dichotomy is not a clear division between salvation-strivers and heaven-seekers; many monks, often recruited in childhood, engage in merit-making and worldly concerns similar to laypeople.
• The upāsaka (lay devotee, often elderly) often embodies the voluntary pursuit of self-restraint, yet may still exhibit a tension between the cognitive ideal of nirvāṇa and affective desires for heavenly rewards.
• This tension illustrates the dichotomy between cognitive religion (renunciation for nirvāṇa) and affective religion (desire for good rebirth), an adaptation that occurred early in Buddhist history and contributed to its survival.
• Sinhalese ‘mass religiosity’ has incorporated elements of saviour figures and magic, adaptations that are ancient.
• The author concludes by questioning if the “voice of the people” might, in some sense, reflect the “voice of Buddha.”

Appendix

I. Contents of my copy of Bauddha Ādahilla.

• Details the contents of “Bauddha Ädahilla with plates, ed. Ven. Pundit Kiriālle Ñānavimala, pub. M. D. Gunasēna and Co. Ltd., Colombo, 2nd impression 1957.”

Table of contents

• Lists topics including:
  • Formulations of salutation, precepts (Five, Eight-fold, Ten), and refuges.
  • Recollections, paraphrases, and worship related to the Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha, stupas, Bo tree, and relics.
  • Meditations (mindfulness, kindness, impurity, death).
  • Offerings, paths (Noble Eight-fold Path), good deeds, and giving (dāna).
  • Samsāra, factors of misconduct, karma, and sorrows of existence.
  • Ascetic practices, novice training, and factors conducive to Enlightenment.
  • Repentances, conditions hard to obtain, roots of good/evil.
  • Information on Maitreya, verses for various occasions (worship, for deceased, for gods).
  • Key Suttas (Mahā Mangala, Ratana, Karaniya-metta, Dhajagga).
  • Pirit, Jayamangala verses, Buddha’s horoscope, Buddhist dates, and amulets.

II. Sunday school primers (Daham pāsala pot).

• Describes contents of Sunday school primers (Daham pāsala pot).
• Lists books available for daham pāsala in Migala: a six-grade primer (two volumes per grade), Vandanā gāthā, Śāsana Itihāsaya, Buddha-caritaya, Jātaka Sangrahaya, Abhidharmaya part 1, and Pāli texts (Sigālovāda Sutta, Dhammika Sutta, Satipaṭthāna Sutta, Dhammapada part 2) with translations and commentary.

A. Translation of first two chapters, first part, first grade primer.

• Provides a translation from “The Life of the Buddha.”
• 1. The Prediction of Dipamkara.
  • Narrates the story of Sumeda, a wise brahmin turned ascetic.
  • Sumeda lays himself in mud for Buddha Dipamkara, who then predicts Sumeda’s future Buddhahood as Gotama.
  • Includes questions on the chapter.
• 2. The Birth of Prince Siddhārtha
  • Recounts Bodhisattva Santusita’s decision to be reborn in the human world to become Buddha.
  • Details Queen Mahāmāyā’s dream and the conception of Prince Siddhārtha.
  • Describes the birth of Prince Siddhārtha in Lumbini grove on Wesak full-moon day.
  • Includes questions on the chapter.

B. Tables of Contents

• First grade, first book:
  • “The Life of the Buddha”: Dīpamkara’s prediction, birth of Prince Siddhārtha, Asita’s worship, name-giving, studies, marriage, householder life, four portents, renunciation, Enlightenment.
  • “Dharma”: Taking Eight Precepts, qualities of Three Jewels, giving merit.
• First grade, second book:
  • “Jātaka stories”: Sāma, Dīghīti Kosala, Sattigumba, Tittira, Mahākapi Jātakas.
  • “Religious Poems” (from Lōväḍa Sañgarāva): Worship, achieving human birth, samsāra, Māra, doing good, laziness, worldly pleasures, being energetic.
• Second grade, first book:
  • “The Life of the Buddha”: Childhood, seeing portents, asceticism, seeking doctrine, experiencing pain, enlightenment, spreading doctrine, Bamboo Grove, Buddha’s death (Parinirvāṇa).
  • “Dharma”: Worship of stupas, Bo tree, Buddha; various offerings; religious wish; obtaining pardon; worshipping monks and parents; verse of Chatta.
• Second grade, second book:
  • “Jātaka stories”: Sujāta, Dadhivāhana, Rājovāda, Tilamutthi, Mahāsiíava, Apanṇaka, Cullaseṭthi Jātakas.
  • “Religious Poems” (from Lōväḍa Sañgarāva): Emptiness of pleasure, faults of sense-desires, sin, escaping pain, greed, righteous behavior, collecting merit, body as pain, decrepitude and death, not desiring power, urgency of merit.

III. Translation of a specimen punyānumōdanā vākyaya (‘statement of thanks for/empathy with an act of merit’).

• Provides a translation from “Sāmaṇera Mūladharma ed. Mīgamuvē Ñānadhaja, Guṇasēkara Press, Alutgama 1968, pp. iv-v.”
• The statement wishes for success and fulfillment of desires for the meritorious person.
• It calls for divine beings to empathize with meritorious acts (offerings to Buddha, gifts to Sangha) and protect the donors.
• It wishes for deceased relatives to attain divine bliss and good rebirth.
• It expresses hope for donors and deceased to avoid hells, experience heavenly bliss, and if reborn as humans, to enjoy blessings like long life, wealth, wisdom (men), or beauty, wealth, retinue (women).
• The ultimate aspiration is rebirth in Ketumatī, seeing Buddha Maitrī, making offerings, hearing the Four Noble Truths, and attaining nirvāṇa.
• Concludes by urging joyful empathy in the merit.

IV. Translation of the Mahā Jayamangala Gāthā (‘Pali verses of the great blessing of victory’).

• Presents a translation of Pali verses for blessings of victory.
• Verses invoke blessings through the Buddha’s enlightenment, conquest at the Bo tree, and reverence for the Three Jewels (Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha) for safety and relief from suffering.
• They declare the Three Jewels as supreme refuges.
• Wishes include avoidance of calamities, destruction of disease, happiness, long life, seasonal rains, good harvests, a prosperous world, and a righteous king.
• Protection is sought through the power of Buddhas, paccekabuddhas, arhats, and pirit.
• A note indicates the verses can be recited in the first person for self-blessing.